
CJass__Z2_6L?i52 



/ •=r^ 



HkKSKMTKl) BY 



A STUDY OF THE ORIGIN 

OF THE 

JAPANESE STATE 



BY 

SEIGO TAKAHASHI, A.M. 



SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIRE- 
MENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY, 
IN THE FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, 
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY." 



New York, 1917 



PRINTED BY 

W. D. Gray, 227 West 17th Street 

New York City 

1917 



A STUDY OF THE ORIGIN 

OF THE 

JAPANESE STATE 



BY 

SEIGO TAKAHASHI, A.M. 



"SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIRE- 
MENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY, 
IN THE FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, 
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY." 



New York, 1917 



PRINTED BY 

W. D. Gray, 227 West 17th Street 

New York City 

1917 






N0¥ e i»if 



ifXy 



TO 
PROFESSOR SAKUSABURO UCHIGASAKI 



CONTENTS 

Introduction. 
Chapter. 
I. The Most Ancient Literary Records. 
II. Racial Factors. 

III. The Beginning of the State. 

IV. General Conclusions. 



FOREWORD. 

In this volume I have endeavored to set down the results of 
my investigation regarding the origin of the Japanese State. The 
original Kojiki and Nihongi contained in the Kokushi-Taikei 
have been used. In the text, Kojiki is indicated by K, the 
Nihongi, by N. I have sometimes been obliged to use transla- 
tions of the Kojiki and the Nihongi, for which I am especially 
indebted to the splendid work of Mr. Aston and Dr. Chamber- 
lain. In some cases, I have found it necessary to make slight 
changes in the wording of parts which I have quoted, for which 
I offer apologies. 

Time has not permitted me to make an index, but I hope to 
be able to do this in the near future. 

I am indebted to Miss Genevieve Caulfield for her scholarly 

advice and correction of the English. I am also indebted to 

Professor Charles A. Beard, under whom I specialized in Politics, 

for his counsel and guidance. 

SEIGO TAKAHASHI. 
New York, October 19 17. 



INTRODUCTION. 

Most students of history are often puzzled by the romance 
of the past, especially when they deal with the events of an- 
tiquity. 

Archaeologists tell us that human society is very old, and 
was fairly well developed long before the art of writing was 
invented. 

Things which happened in remote ages were transmitted to 
the historic period in the form of oral traditions, and it seems 
probable that, when recorded, these stories had departed far 
from the true picture of the times. Moreover, the early writers 
were generally uncritical and whatever their purpose might 
have been, they have always been inclined to adorn things of 
old. 

Herodotus, the father of history, is said to have been more 
picturesque than critical, and this is the reason why the cele- 
brated Thucydides accused him of caring more about pleasing 
his readers than about telling the truth. Far more uncritical 
than the Greek historian were the Japanese writers of the eighth 
century A. D., whose works^ are romantic and contradictory in 
character, despite the fact that they were commanded by the 
rulers to place on record the genuine traditions and scattered 
documents concerning the early life of the nation. 

It matters little whether these romantic stories are accepta- 
ble to us or not. The fact remains that they have come down to 
the present time and present a fascinating problem to the mod- 
ern students. 



1. The Kojiki and Nihongi. 



The mere analytical study of ancient writings will be of little 
assistance to the students of today in their impartial research. 
They must search in many fields for a firmer foothold than old 
records alone can afford. Archaeology, Anthropology, Philol- 
ogy, and the other sciences are indispensable to the study of 
ancient society. 

It is interesting to note that, at present, archaeologists and 
anthropologists are revealing to us primitive types of society 
which are quite different from those dealt with by the eighteenth 
century philosophers, while our predecessors of the last century, 
men like Stubbs, Maine, Maitland, Gierke, B runner, Coulanges, 
and Spencer, have disclosed to us the processes in the origin 
and development of the early political institutions of Europe. 
Step by step the beautiful romance which once veiled all old 
European societies is now losing its charm for Occidental 
students, and it is no exaggeration to say that an authoritative 
outline of the early institutional life among European nations 
is almost established.^ 

How different is the situation in Japan ! 

Although we have had bequeathed to us from our fore- 
fathers two most valuable sources^ for the study of the history 
of the nation, still we have neither an exhaustive work produced 
by scientific research nor, if we leave out of account Pro- 
fessor K. Asakawa's "The Early Institutional Life of Japan," 
have we an original exposition on the subject by a fearless 
scholar. 

There seems no doubt that when the celebrated Filmer wrote 
"Patriarcha," the ancient theory of the divine origin of kings 
appealed strongly to men of the Seventeenth Century, and yet, 
as the succeeding centuries have witnessed, the doctrine was 



2. Jenks, History of Politics. 

3. The Kojiki and Nihongi. 



10 



entirely brushed aside long before the formative years of the 
new science. 

So also the modern Frenchmen did away with Bossuet's 
natural monarchy.* 

It is an established fact that an abstract principle as such has 
no value for the modern European mind which seeks the his- 
torical facts as primarily important, though it is generally ac- 
cepted that all doctrines have more or less utility. 

On the other hand, in Japan, the island people have ever 
kept in their hearts the patriarchal theory as the explanation of 
the origin of the state. To them, the Imperial Ancestors are 
also their own ancestors, and consequently the Imperial house 
is the principal branch of the whole national family.^ 

Of course, the systematic formulation of this theory belongs 
to the modern epoch, but that its principal idea had its origin 
in the pre-historic period, and that ever since it has been con- 
secrated by the political religion, "Shinto," seem undeniable. 

It is true that in Japanese history the actual political power 
has always shifted from one controlling element to another, 
and yet this did not cause the destruction of the patriarchal 
principle. 

Thus, today, the patriarchal theory is still a fundamental be- 
lief among the Japanese people. No matter whether it is sup- 
ported by historical evidences or not, it represents the prevail- 
ing sentiment of the nation. Numerous as are our historians 
and students of politics, no one ever seems tempted to examine 
the historical validity of this orthodox theory. 



4. La Politique tiree des propres paroles de I'Ecriture Sainte. 

5. Hagino, Dainihon-Tsushi, vol. I, pp. 1-2. 
Ariga, Dainihon-Rekishi, vol. I, pp. 1-2. 

II 



One who has studied American history knows well that while 
the hostile feeling between the North and the South was still 
hotly raging, no history of the Civil War, such as Jefferson 
Davis' "The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government," 
could be accepted in the North. In these days, however, there 
can be no doubt that most American people recognize the fact 
that the study of Southern politics is indispensable to a clear 
understanding of the true nature of the brothers' war. 

In Japan, since the sacredness of the patriarchal origin of 
state has always been a deep-rooted belief among the dominat- 
ing people, it appears quite natural that the ordinary students 
would not dare to undertake such a critical investigation as 
would oppose the preconception of the ruling people. 

If this be true, we can understand one of the most impor- 
tant reasons why our students of history and politics have 
assumed an uncritical attitude. It does not follow, however, 
that because we have no fearless students the patriarchal theory 
is historically unsound. The old records, which undoubtedly 
contain much of real value, must be re-examined by critical 
students who understand the spirit of modern science. If, after 
such an examination, there be found historical evidences quite 
different from the .prevailing theory, they must be the basis 
upon which to construct a new theory regarding the origin of 
the Japanese State. 

Passing now to the consideration of the results of archaeo- 
logical and anthropological research, we find a more or less 
different situation. 

It is doubtful whether the Japanese archaeologists and an- 
thropologists have up to this time made any great contribution 
to the study of antiquity. But it is evident, at a casual glance, 
that their diligent investigation of material remains of pre- 
historic times, characteristics of bodily form, traits of language, 

12 



economic achievements, peculiar customs and beliefs, is grad- 
ually clearing up the darkness of past ages. For instance, ancient 
spulchres are constantly being unearthed by serious students in 
this field. They are not only discovering various old imple- 
ments, shell-heaps, caverns and monuments, but are also mak- 
ing considerable progress in searching for the racial sources 
of the original population of Japan.® 

It is noteworthy, moreover, that, like the Occidental stu- 
dents, they are endeavoring to disregard the subjective values 
of historical happenings and that they try to consider them 
objectively, simply as a sequence of events, regardless of their 
influence upon the course of our own civilization. 

Thus there lies great hope in our archaeologists and anthro- 
pologists. Their opinion regarding the earliest society is far 
more reliable than that of the historians. With their aid we 
can obtain a more exact and uncolored picture of the beginning 
of the state. 

One of the most salutary utilities in writing a history con- 
forming to the spirit of modern science consists in the fact 
that it induces students of politics to re-examine the historical 
soundness of the existing theories regarding the nature of the 
state, thus leading them to a formulation of more scientific 
theory. 

At present there are in Japan so many definitions of the 
state that we cannot enumerate them. Yet, as a matter of 
convenience, they can be reduced substantially to two. 

One school contends that the state is an association of men 
who seek their welfare and common advantage in their com- 
bined efforts.'^ The other insists that the state is a person or 



6. See the second chapter of the volume. 

7. Minobe, Kenppo-Kowa, pp. 2-22. 

13 



persons possessing sovereignty.^ According to the former, the 
sovereignty in Japan resides in the body poHtic as a whole. 
The latter argues, on the other hand, that the Emperor is the 
possessor of sovereignty and is therefore the state. 

It is to be noted that whatever different points of view these 
two schools may have, both accept with equal readiness the 
political orthodoxy, namely, the patriarchal origin of the Jap- 
anese state.° 

' Moreover, these definitions are formulated chiefly by stu- 
dents of law. 

In. view of these facts, we may fairly say that we have 
as yet no authentic definition of the state which can be regarded 
as the product of careful consideration of the historical hap- 
penings, as well as the various data concerning present politics. 

World civilization is growing more and more complex, and 
it is true that its chiel motor forces are states. 
What, then, is the State? 

Are our students of Constitutional Law scientifically cor- 
rect in their definition? 

Is the patriarchal origin of the state historically sound? 

Before any answer can be given to these questions, we must 
first re-examine things of old, for historical evidences are our 
principal means of understanding the past and present, as well 
as our guide for the future voyage of Civilization, 



8. Nesugi, Kenppo-Kdgi, pp. 77-208. 

9. Especially see, Dr. Kakehis' "Kokkano-Kenkiu." 

14 



CHAPTER I. 

THE MOST ANCIENT LITERARY RECORDS. 

Our sources for the study of Ancient Japan are the Kojiki, 
or "Records of Ancient Matters/' and the Nihongi, or "Chron- 
icles of Ancient Japan." These are the only materials that have 
come down to us from the early times. 

I. THE KOJIKI. 

In spite of the fact that our language is quite different from 
Chinese, it is problematical whether the ancient Japanese had 
their own letters. Wide investigation on the subject has been 
made by many students thus far, yet we possess no evidences 
of anything except the Chinese letters having been known 
among the ancient Japanese.^ 

The Nihongi states that the Chinese letters were first offi- 
cially introduced into Japan through Korea during the reign of 
the Emperor Ojin (270-310 A. D.).^ Moreover, we learn from 
a Chinese source^ that the Golden Chinese Seal, which was 
excavated in the region of Naka County of Chikugen in Feb- 
ruary, 1786 A. D., is the one which was presented by the Chinese 
Emperor, Kwang Wu, to one of the tribal Chiefs of Kiushiu* 
in 57 A. D. 

The Japanese of early times utilized the imported Chinese 
letters, and seem to have been so ingenious that they used the 
Chinese ideographs simply as representing sounds and with them 



1. Gunsho-Ruijiu, vol. XIII, p. 1 (Kogoshui). Hirata, however, 
maintains the contrary of opinion; Hirata-Zenshiu, vol. 1 (Seiseki-Gairon, 
pp. 13-15). Also see Rosny, "Questions d' Archeologie Japonaise." 

2. K. pp. 117-118. N. p. 118. 

3. Shiseki-Shiuran, vol. XX, p. 10 (Hau Han Su). 

4. This seal is preserved at the Tokio Imperial Museum. 

15 



formed pure Japanese words. In addition, they adopted Chi- 
nese as it is for Hterary purposes. However, according to both 
the Kojiki and Nihongi, these characters were not used ex- 
tensively until the Empress Suiko's reign (595-628 A. D.), 
which was subsequent to the introduction of Buddhism. This 
reign is associated with the celebrated name of Prince Shotoku, 
the great reformer, who first undertook the task of compiling 
old historical documents. The Nihongi tells us that' in the 
year 620 A. D. Prince Shotoku and the Minister, Soga-no- 
Umako, began the work of compiling the nation's history, and 
before many years had elapsed, their labor resulted in the com- 
pletion of those records, namely, Tennoki, or "Records of the 
Emperors," and Kokuki, or "Records of the Country," and 
Honki, or "Original Records of Japanese Proper." Yet no one 
knows what the contents of these records were, for they were 
lost in 645 A. D., when Soga-no-Yemishi, the Chief of the Soga 
Clan, in whose custody the records were placed, having been 
charged with the usurpation of the Imperial perogatives, set 
fire to his residence and committed suicide.^ 

The second attempt to compile the national history was made 
during the reign of Emperor Temmu (673-686 A.D.). 

It seems to have; been undertaken in two ways, for the 
Nihongi relates that "i6th day (of third month of 681) the 
Emperor took his place in the Great Hall of Audience, and 
there gave orders to the Imperial Princes, Kawashima and 
Osakabe, to Prince Hirose, Prince Takeda, Prince Kuhada and 
Prince Mino, to . . . Muraji Ohoshima and Omi Kobito, 
to commit to writing the chronicles of the Emperors, and also 
of matters of high antiquity. Ohoshima and Kobito took the pen 
in hand themselves and made notes,"'^ while the preface of 
Kojiki tells us that the same Emperor conceived that "The 



5. N. p. 390. 

6. The Coup d' etat of 645 A. D. 

16 



Chronicles of the Emperors and likewise the original words 
in the possession of the various families deviate from exact 
truth, and are mostly amplified by empty falsehoods; if at the 
present time these imperfections be not amended, ere many 
years shall have elapsed, the purport of this, the great basis of 
the country, the grand foundation of the monarchy, will be 
destroyed !" 

On this account he desired to have "The Chronicles of the 
Emperors selected and recorded, and the old words examined 
and ascertained, falsehoods being erased and the truth deter- 
mined in order to transmit (the latter) to after ages." 

Thereupon, he commanded a Chamberlain, Hiyeda-no- 
Are,^ a man of wide reading and powerful mem,ory, to recite 
the genealogies of the Emperors and the words of former ages. 

Unfortunately, however, the death of the Emperor brought 
about the postponement of the compilation of the work, and it 
was not until twenty-five years later that the matter was taken 
up by the Empress Gemmyo (708-715 A. D.). 

On the i8th of September, 711 A. D., according to the 
Kojiki,^ the Empress ordered a learned scholar, Futo-no-Yasu- 
maro, to transcribe the records stored in Hiyeda-no-Are's 
memory. 

Four months' labor sufficed for this work, and on the 28th 
of January, 712 A. D., it was submitted to the Empress, it 
having been named "Kojiki," or "Records of Ancient Matters." 

Such is the history of the "Kojiki," the oldest history of 
the nation, which has been handed down from the early ages 
to the present. 

7. N. p. 522. Aston vol. II, p. 350. 

8. K. p. 6-7. Chamberlain, p. 9-11. 

9. K. p. 7-8. 

17 



The Kojiki is written in Chinese characters, and its com- 
position is in a mixed phonetic style (Kana-Mazhiri-Bun) 
which Yasumaro, the author, in its preface explained as follows : 

"In reverent obedience to the contents of the Decree, I have 
made a careful choice. But in high antiquity both speech and 
thought were so simple that it would be difficult to arrange 
phrases and compose periods in the characters (Chinese style). 
To relate everything in an ideographic transcription would entail 
an inadequate expression of the meaning; to write altogether 
according to the phonetic method would make the story of 
events unduly lengthy. For this reason have I sometimes in 
the same sentence used the phonetic and ideographic systems 
conjointly, and have sometimes in one matter used the ideo- 
graphic record exclusively. . . ."^° 

This work chiefly relates the Imperial history from an un- 
known date to the end of the Empress Suiko's reign— in detail 
as it goes backward toward remote antiquity and more briefly 
as it comes nearer the period where the story ends. How- 
ever, as it contains no chronology, students have no choice but 
to rely upon the Nihongi, or "Chronicles of Ancient Japan," 
which contains its own chronological account. 

As stated above, it is evident that the author of the Kojiki 
derived his materials mainly from an oral recital by Hiyeda-no- 
Are, but whether he used any other sources is entirely unknown 
to us. 

Since, however, the Kojiki was written after the introduc- 
tion of Chinese letters, literature and of Buddhism, it is evident 
that its author was influenced by Chinese and Buddhist ideals 
and that whether he would or no, the character of his work bore 
some traces of this influence in spite of the extraordinary care 

10. K. pp. 7-8. Chamberlain, pp. 11-12. 

l8 



which he took to preserve the genuine tradition of the national 
Hfe. 

Were we to point out the uncritical character of the Kojiki, 
it would entail endless arguments. It must therefore suffice 
to say that the whole character of the work is misty and con- 
tradictory. Nevertheless, it speaks in the original tongue of 
the national traditions and it is on this account that the mod- 
ern students cannot disregard its practical value to their his- 
torical research. 

2. THE NIHONGI. 

We have seen somewhere above that in the reign of the 
Emperor Temmu, an Imperial Commission undertook the task 
of compiling the national history, and that the work was left 
unfinished when the Emperor died in 686 A. D. Twenty-five 
years later this incomplete work was taken up by the Empress 
Gemmyo, who commanded two scholars, Ki and Miyake, to 
compile it.^^ They concluded their work within the same 
year and submitted it to the Sovereign. With regard to its 
contents, however, no authentic statement can be made, for this 
historical work has not been handed down to us. It is sug- 
gested that it was written in the Manyo-Kana (Chinese ideo- 
graphs employed phonetically)^^, and that it proved unsatis- 
factory to the Empress, who desired to have the national his- 
tory with its glory and its dignity.^^ 

During the reign of the same Sovereign, we see the crea- 
tion of another Commission to compile the new glorious his- 
tory of the nation. The Commission was headed by the Im- 
perial Prince, Toneri, and it included among its members Futo- 
no-Yasumaro, the author of the Kojiki. 



11. Z. K. p. 83. 

12. Hagino, Dainihon-Tsushi, vol. I, p. 367. 

13. Ariga, Dainihon-Rekishi, vol. 1, pp. 703-706. 

19 



It is not stated in any records at what time the Commis- 
sion took the work of the compilation in hand, but we know 
from the Zoku-Nihongi, or "Supplementary Chronicles of 
Japan," which were written in 787-789, that the Commission 
completed its work in the year 720 A. D., while the new Empress 
Gensho (715-723) was on the throne.^* The work received the 
name of Nihongi, or "Chronicles of Ancient Japan," and con- 
sisted originally of thirty volumes and one volume containing 
the Imperial genealogies. Unfortunately, however, the last one 
has been lost. 

The Nihongi is written in the pure Chinese style. 

It covers the period from high antiquity to the last year of 
the Empress Jito's reign, describing things in detail and authen- 
tically as the story comes nearer the year 697 A. D. 

Not only the Kojiki and the Kana history of 714, but also 
several other records which were then existing seem to have 
been used by the compilers of Nihongi, for it contains numer- 
ous passages quoted from unnamed authorities. Moreover, we 
notice that in the Nihongi different and contradictory stories 
are often related about the same events, thus leaving the selec- 
tion of the correct account entirely to the judgment of the stu- 
dents of succeeding a^ges. In this respect the Nihongi resembles 
a work of compilation rather than history in the modern sense. 

The Nihongi has a chronology. It gives leading events, pre- 
cise years, even months and dates, especially after the alleged 
Coronation of Jimmu, the first Emperor of Japan, at Yamato. 
The year 660 B. C. is assigned to the Coronation of the Emperor 
Jimmu, and from that time the Nihongi dates its own historic 
period. A careful examination must be made, however, to 
ascertain whether this chronological account is correct or not. 
But by what standard can it be judged? 

14. Z. K. p. 122. 

30 



Chinese and Korean history seem to serve that purpose. 
How far, then, can we attribute to Chinese and Korean his- 
tory accuracy superior to that of Japanese history? 

In so far as the chronological research of Chinese history 
is available, it may be fairly said that the year 776 B. C. is the 
beginning of a credible history of China, for we learn from an 
old poem of the Book of Odes that an eclipse of the sun oc- 
curred in the Seventh year of the despotic reign of Yu-Wang 
(781-771 B. C), it being regarded by the writer of the poem 
as a sign of the Heavenly indignation at Yu- Wang's crimes. 
This event is calculated by the western astronomers and his- 
torians to have actually occurred on August 29, 776 B. C.^^ 

With regard to the Korean history, the situation is very 
different. Yet it is pointed out by Mr. Aston that during the 
first five centuries of the Christian era Chinese annals contain 
sixteen notices of events in Korea, and in ten of these instances 
Korean history agrees.^® 

If this be true, there will be no serious error on the part 

of students in using Korean history as well as Chinese in verifying 
the accuracy of Japanese history. 

Turning now to the consideration of the chronological ac- 
count given in the Nihongi, we must first note that the Nihongi 
states that from the descent of Ninigi at Hiuga to the first year 
of Prince Senu's eastward advance, 1792, 470 years elapsed.^^ 
On this account, some^® argue that originally Japan had her 
own science of chronology. But as there has been found no 
other external evidence to support it, little attention is paid by 
students to this argument. 



15. Hirth, "The Ancient History of China," pp. 171-175. 

16. Aston, "Early Japanese History," pp. 47-48. 

17. N. p. 79. 

18. Ariga, "Nihon-Rekishi," Vol. I, p. 470. 

21 



On the contrary, our students seem disposed to give much 
weight to Chinese history which relates that "the Was (Japan) 
are not acquainted with the New Year or the four seasons, but 
reckon the year by the spring cultivation of the field, and by 
the autumn ingathering of the crops. "^^ Thus there seems little 
doubt that the Japanese of early times were not acquainted with 
any systematic calendar until the official introduction of the 
Korean and Chinese Science of Chronology, or, at least, not 
before the first importation of Chinese letters.^" 

The Nihongi tells us that in the fourteenth year of the Em- 
peror Kimmei's reign (554 A. D.), a scholar learned in the 
calendar came by the request of the Imperial Court to Japan 
from Pekche.^^ And again "Winter, loth month (the Empress 
Suiko's reign 602 A. D.) a Pekche priest named Kwal-leuk 
arrived and presented by way of tribute books of calendar- 
making, of Astronomy, and of Geography, and also books of 
the art of invisibility and of magic. At this time three or four 
pupils were selected and made to study under Kwal-leuk."^^ 

It is interesting to note that these statements are verified 
by a stone monument at Dogo of lyo, on which we read the 
inscription that it was erected in 598 A. D. 

With regard to the different character of the Chinese and 
Korean calendars much could be said. Yet, for our purpose 
it may suffice to say that a systematic calendar has been in use 
in Japan since the latter part of the sixth century A. D. 

In that case, it becomes evident that the chronology of the 
Nihongi, before the sixth century, cannot be accepted by any 
careful students without a reinvestigation. Because of this 



19. Shiseki-Shiuran, Vol. XX, p. 19. 

20. Aston, "Early Japanese History," p. 20. Chamberlain, "Kojiki," 

p. 43. 

21. N. p. 333. 

22. N. pp. 375-376. Aston, Vol. II, pp. 126. 

22 



fact, Professor Naka made a comparative study of Japanese 
and Korean history, and has come to the conclusion that the 
dates and facts in the Nihongi which are said to have occurred 
before the Emperor Yuriaku's reign (457-479 A. D.) are utterly 
out of harmony with those recorded in the Korean history. He 
further points out that this inconsistency is largely due to the 
chronological inaccuracy of the Nihongi. ^^ 

According to the Nihongi, the three kingdoms of Korea 
were conquered by the Empress Jingo in 200 A. D.^* But no 
Korean history speaks of this event, which, if it occurred, cer- 
tainly must have been a great event to Korea. Still more 
inconsistent is the description of the Nihongi in respect to 
the introduction of Chinese letters into Japan. 

It relates that "15th year. Autumn, 8th month, 6th day (284 
A. D.) The King of Pekche sent A-chik-ki with two quiet 
horses as tribute. A-chik-ki was able to read the classics (Chi- 
nese), and so the Heir Apparent, Uji-no-waka-iratsuko, made 
him his teacher. Hereupon the Emperor (Ojin) inquired of 
A-chik-ki, saying:- — 'Are there other men superior to thee?' 
He answered and said: — 'There is Wang-in, who is superior.' 
Then Areada-wake . . . and Kamunagi-wake were sent to 
Pekche to summon Wang-in. 

"Sixteenth year, spring, 2nd month, Wang-in arrived, and 
straightly the Heir Apparent took him as teacher, and learned 
various books from him."^" 

And yet, we learn nothing about this from any Korean 
source. On the contrary, it is stated in a Korean history, Tonk- 
kuk-thong-Kan, that "in 372 A, D. Kokuli established a high 
school where pupils were instructed. Three years later (375 



23. Shigaku-Zzashi, Vol. VIII. 

24. N. pp. 164-165. 

25. N. p. 118. Aston, Vol. I. 



23 



A. D. Pekche appoints ' a certain Kohung as professor. It 
was not until now that Pekche had arty records. This country 
had no writing previous to this time." Another Korean history, 
San-guk-Sa, also tells us that from 346 to 375 A. D., the first 
written records were begun in Pekche.^^ 

Whatever credence students may give to these Korean state- 
ments, the fact remains that accounts in Japanese and Korean 
history continue to disagree until the year 461 A. D. 

In 461 A. D. we see for the first time the chronological 
coincidence in both histories. "Summer, 4th month (461 A. D.)," 
says the Nihongi, "Lord Kasyuni (i. e., King Kero) of Pekche, 
having learned by rumor that Iketsu Hitae (a Korean lady) 
had been put to death by burning, held council, saying, 'The 
ancient custom of sending tribute of women to be made Uneme 
(Court Mistress) is contrary to decorum, and is injurious to 
our country's reputation. Henceforward it is unmeet that 
women be sent as tribute.' Accordingly, he intimated to his 
younger brother, Lord Kun, saying: 'Do thou go to Japan and 
serve the Emperor.' Lord Kun answered and said, 'My Lord's 
commands must not be disobeyed. . . .' So at last he took 
his leave and went on his mission to the Court (Japanese).""' 

This description is confirmed by a Korean history, Pekche 
Shinsen, which remarks upon the same event, saying: "In the 
year Kanoto-Ushi (461 A. D.) King Kero sent his younger 
brother, Konkishi, to Great Wa (Great Japan) to wait upon 
the Tenno (Emperor) and to confirm the friendship of the 
previous sovereigns."^^ 

From this time the dates and facts in the Nihongi are 
never widely divergent from those of Korean records. 



26. Aston, "Early Japanese History," p. 46. 

27. N. p. 241. Aston Vol. I, p. 345. 

28. N. p. 242. Aston Vol. I, p. 346. 

24 



Another important point which students must bear in mind 
when considering the chronology of Nihongi is that the reigns 
and the lives of the Emperors before 400 A. D. are unnaturally 
long, for the average age of the first Seventeen Emperors from 
Jimmu down to Richu was 109 years, and, while, for the first 
four centuries of the Christian era, the three Korean Kingdoms, 
Silla, Kokuli, and Pekche, had 16, 17 and 16 rulers, respectively, 
in Japan only seven Emperors reigned.^® 

There may be various reasons for this discrepancy, yet 
that the Chinese passage, "They (Japanese) are a long-lived 
race, and persons who have reached 100 years are very com- 
mon,"^" had an effect upon the compilers of the Nihongi is 
more than likely. But this supposition has not been sufficiently 
verified to afford us an adequate explanation. On what ground, 
then, did the compilers of the Nihongi assign the year 660 B. C. 
to the alleged Coronation of the Emperor Jimmu? 

Professor Naka replies that one of the Chinese calendars is 
based upon the so-called Sexagenary cycle system, in which 
sixty years form a smaller cycle, the sixtieth year being regarded 
by the Chinese as a great year. 

Twenty-one of such cycles form a larger cycle of 1,260 
years. Without doubt, the compilers of the Nihongi adopted 
this system. As 600 A. D. (the Empress Suiko's reign) was the 
last year of a smaller cycle, they reckoned years from that date 
backward toward antiquity until they reached the year 660 B. C, 
the beginning of the larger cycle. He further states that by 
this calculation Jimmu's coronation at Yamato may be said to 
have occurred in the year 660 B. C.^^ 

If this be true, we are confronted by the fascinating problem 
of revising the chronology of the Nihongi. 



29. Aston, "Early Japanese History," p. 44. 

30. Shiseki-Shiuran, Vol. XX, p. 19. 

31. Shigakuzzashi, Vol. VIII. 

25 



As stated above, the Nihongi is written in pure Chinese style 
in order to glorify Japanese national history. For this reason, 
the stories in this work are not only beautified with fine and 
dignified phrases but also reflect how great was the Chinese 
influence upon the early Japanese writers. The following para- 
graphs illustrate the mode of expression in the Nihongi : "Fourth 
year (the Emperor Nintoku's reign, 316 A. D.), Spring, 2nd 
month, 6th day. The Emperor addressed his ministers, saying, 
'We ascended a lofty tower and looked far and wide, but no 
smoke arose in the land. From this we gather that the people 
are poor, and that in the houses there are none cooking their 
rice. We have heard that in the reigns of the wise sovereigns 
of antiquity, from every one was heard of the sound of songs 
hymning their virtue, and in every house a ditty. How happy 
are we. But now, when we observe the people, for three 
years past, no voice of eulogy is heard, the smoke of cooking has 
become rare and rare. . . .' 

"Third month, 21st day. The following decree was issued: 
'From this time forward, for the space of three years, let forced 
labor be entirely abolished, and let the people have rest from 
toil. . . .' 

"Seventh year, summer, 4th month, ist day. The emperor 
was on his tower, and, looking far and wide, saw smoke arising 
plentifully. On this day he addressed the Empress, saying : 'We 
are now prosperous. What can there be to grieve for?' The 
Empress answered and said: 'What dost thou mean by pros- 
perity?' The Emperor said: 'It is doubtless when the smoke fills 
the land, and the people freely attain to wealth.' The Empress 
went on to say: 'The palace enclosure is crumbling down, and 
there are no means of repairing it, the buildings are dilapidated 
so that the coverlets are exposed. Can this be called prosperity ?' 
The Emperor said: 'When Heaven establishes a Prince, it is 
for the sake of the people. The Prince must therefore make the 

26 



people the foundation. For this reason the wise sovereigns of 
antiquity, if a single one of their subjects was cold and starving, 
cast the responsibility on themselves. Now the people's poverty 
is none other than our poverty; the people's prosperity is none 
other than our prosperity. There is no such thing as the people's 
being prosperous and yet the Prince in poverty.' "^^ 

Thus the spirit of early Japan is ambiguously portrayed in 
a foreign tongue, and this is the reason why some students^^ 
insist upon placing the Kojiki, or "Records of Ancient Matters," 
above the Nihongi as the original source for the study of ancient 
Japanese society. 

3. THE KOJIKI AND NIHONGI. 

The preceding paragraphs reveal to us that both the Kojiki 
and Nihongi are in character romantic and uncritical and that 
the chronology of the Nihongi before about 500 A. D. is un- 
trustworthy. Because of these facts, some authorities attempt to 
discredit as fiction the greater part of both writings, especially 
that relating to events occurring before the sixth century of our 
era. 

Undoubtedly the accounts of events which took place before 
the eastward advance of Prince Senu (later the Emperor 
Jimmu) are legendary. But since we find that in both the Kojiki 
and Nihongi there is no break between the fabulous and the real, 
the whole story deserves careful attention. Arbitrarily to disre- 
gard any part of these stories would seem to endanger an accurate 
comprehension of prehistoric times. 

The Kojiki devotes about one-half of its volume to describ- 
ing events occurring before the Christian era, while the greater 
part of the Nihongi treats in detail of events both domestic and 
foreign which took place after that time. On this account, it is 



32. N. pp. 195-196. Aston, Vol. I, dd. 278-279. 

33. Hirata-Zenshiu. Vol. 1, pp. 1-22. 

27 



the Kojiki which contains more valuable material for the study 
of the origin of the Japanese state. 

Moreover, the Kojiki speaks in the native tongue of the early 
national life and its style is more natural than that of the Nihongi. 

But, as we have seen, the Nihongi has its own strong points. It 
cannot be said, therefore, that the one is more authentic than 
the other. Students must use both sources, carefully comparing 
them, and if they find external evidences verifying the account 
in either, these evidences must be the standards by which the 
academic value of the story is determined. 

4. SUPPLEMENTARY MATERIALS. 

Besides the Kojiki and Nihongi, we have so many supple- 
mentary and secondary sources for our study that a mere enumer- 
ation of their names is a task of some difficulty. We shall, there- 
fore, mention only the following writings: 

1. Kogoshui, or "Gleanings from Ancient History," by H. 
Imibe. 

2. Seishiroku, or "Catalogue of Family Names." 

3. Kojiki-den, or "Commentary on the Kojiki," by Motoori. 

4. Isho-Nihonden, or "Foreign Notices of Japan," by K. 
Matsushita. 

5. Koshi-Tsii, or "Treatises on the Ancient History," by Arai. 

6. Koshi-Cho, or "Sources of the Ancient Histories," by 
Hirata. 

7. Kiujiki, or "Chronicles of Old Matters." 



28 



CHAPTER II. 

RACIAL FACTORS. 

I. The Geographical Features of Japan. 

Before entering upon the consideration of the racial factors, 
we must observe briefly the geographical features of Japan in 
order to comprehend its connection with the Asiatic continent. 

According to the opinion of some of our geologists/ Japan 
was at one time a part of the neighboring continent, and some 
of her islands are of volcanic origin. Many evidences have been 
produced by the Geological Survey, which seem to prove the 
soundness of this contention. Since, however, these changes 
must have taken place long before the dawn of Japanese civiliza- 
tion, they have no immediate concern for the present study. 

The Japan of today (except Chosen or Korea) consists of a 
chain of narrow islands lying along the eastern coast of Asia, 
and extending from latitude 21° 48' N. to 50° 56' N. and from 
longitude 119° 20' E. to 156° 32' E. The chief islands, named 
from north to south, are Southern Sakhalien, Hokkaido or Yezo, 
Hondo (the main island of Japan), Shikoku (near Osaka), 
Kiushiu (southwest of Hondo), and Formosa. The principal 
dependent archipelagoes are the Kurile islands (east of Hok- 
kaido), Iki-Tsushima (between Kiushiu and Korea), Goto 
islands (west of Nagasaki), Ryukyu islands (between Kiushiu 
and Formosa) Bonin islands (southeast of Ryukyu islands), and 
Pescadores islands (between Formosa and southern China). Of 
these Hokkaido, Hondo, Shikoku and Kiushiu are the most im- 
portant for our study. The shores of southern Japan are washed 
by the warm currents known as the Kuro-shiwo which come 



1. Outlines of the Geology of Japan, pp. 84-85. 

29 



from the South Seas, while the coasts of northern Japan are 
swept by the cold Arctic current. Formosa is separated from 
the Philippines, its southern neighbor, by Bashi Channel, and 
from the Chinese coast by Formosa Channel. Korea is separated 
from Japan only by Broughton Channel, less than 25 miles in 
width. Kamchatka from the Kurile islands by the Kurile Strait 
and Soya Strait is between Saghalien and Hokkaido. 

Such being our geographical situation, it seems possible that 
whoever the primitive inhabitants were they had from early times 
access to the Asiatic Continent and Polynesia, probably by the 
following sources: 

Two in the North. 

1. From Hokkaido via the Kurile islands to Kamchatka. 

2. From Hokkaido via Soya Strait to Saghalien and thence 
to the Amur region of Manchuria. 

Four in the South. 

1. From Kiushiu via Iki and Tsushima to Korea and thence 
to China. 

2. From Izumo (the western part of the main island) to 
Korea or, by the aid* of the current, to southern China and Poly- 
nesia. 

3. From Kiushiu via Goto islands to southeastern China. 

4. From Kiushiu via Ryukyn islands, Formosa, and the Phil- 
ippines to Malaysia and Polynesia. 

This indicates the possibility of the Japanese being a mixed 
race. 

2. The Early Population of Japan. 

Who were the aborigines of the Japanese islands? 

Was the dominant group in the ancient society which the 

30 



Nihongi desigates as " J^P^^^ese proper"^ a part of the aborigines ? 

If not, when and from where did they come? 

These are the great problems which, despite the diUgent inves- 
tigation of our students, remain unsolved. 

Considering the aborigines of Japan, we first notice in the 
Kojiki and Nihongi the names of three strange people, who, if 
they were races distinct from the Japanese proper, may be re- 
garded as the early inhabitants of the islands. They are Tsuchi- 
gumo, or "earth spiders" ; Kumaso, or "brave bandits," and 
Yemishi, or "eastern savages." 

One passage in the Kojiki and three or four in the Nihongi 
describe the Tsuchi-gumo. According to them, they were pit 
dwellers scattered throughout the western part of the main island. 
They had "short bodies and long arms and legs. They were of 
the same class as the pigmies."^ When Prince Senu (later Em- 
peror Jimmu) was about to establish the Yamato Government, 
the Tsuchi-gumo offered feeble resistance to his victorious army. 
But it was not until the reign of the Emperor Keiko (the twelfth 
Emperor) that they were completely subjugated. Strange to 
say, the Chiefs of Tsuchi-gumo had Japanese names, some of 
which are identical with those of Shinto priests,^ and they also 
seem to have had Japanese followers. For this reason, it can- 
not be deterrriined whether or not the Tsuchi-gumo were different 
from the Japanese proper without the external evidences which 
we shall consider later. 

The first important reference to the Kumaso in the Japanese 
annals is made in the account of the Emperor Keiko's reign. 



2. N. p. 390. 

3. N. p. 90. Aston, pp. 129-130. 

4. Hafuri. 

31 



The Nihongi^ tells us that in 82 A. D. the Kumaso, occupying 
Kiushiu, especially that section of Hiuga, Osumi, and Satsuma, 
rebelled and refused to pay tribute to the Yamato Court. There- 
upon, the Emperor Keiko made a progress to Kiushiu or "Tsu- 
kushi" to pacify the rebels. Many underhanded measures were 
employed to conquer the Kumaso, but owing largely to the brav- 
ery of the Kumaso the Imperial troops were frequently baffled. 
After eight years' battle the Emperor was able to subjugate them, 
one tribe after another. In 97 A. D. the Kumaso again rebelled, 
and the Emperor commanded the celebrated Prince Yamato-take 
to proceed to Kiushiu with a large force. This expedition re- 
sulted in the great victory of the Prince. But as years passed, 
the Kumaso rebelled again and again, thus making the western 
frontier a scene of bloodshed for many years. 

There was a third expedition under the Emperor Chuai (192- 
200 A. D.), after which the Kumaso must have remained quiet 
for centuries, because henceforth no mention of them is made 
in either the Kojiki or the Nihongi. 

Instead, our annals speak of the Hayato, or "Falcon men," 
who lived in the east southern part of Kiushiu, and are said to 
have descended from Hosuseri, one of the Japanese tribal chiefs. 

In a remote age before the time of Jimmu, according to the 
Nihongi, Hohodemi, one of the Imperial ancestors, engaged in 
war against his elder brother Hosuseri. This contest resulted in 
Hosuseri's defeat, and the vanquished chief's life was spared 
only on condition that he and his followers and their descend- 
ants should serve the family of the victor. These descendants 
were known as the Hayato, and as a result of the early agree- 
ment some of them were from time to time taken to the Palace 
to serve instead of watch-dogs.^ We also see in another chapter 



5. N. p. 135. 

6. N. pp. 73-74. K. p. 59.. 

32 



of the Nihongi that upon the death of Emperor Yuryaku (457- 
479 A. D.) "the Hayato lamented night and day beside the 
Misasagi (tomb) and refused the food offered to them, until at 
the end of seven days they died."^ 

Whether the Hayato were descended from Hosuseri or not, 
many students express the belief that they were identical with 
the Kumaso. 

But who were these Kumaso or Hayato? Did they belong 
to the same racial family as the Japanese proper? 

Our annals contain no description of the physical charac- 
teristics of these people. So we must leave the answer to these 
questions to archaeologists and anthropologists. 

We now come to the consideration of the Yemishi or "eastern 
savages," the third element in the primitive population men- 
tioned in our annals. 

The earliest reference to the Yemishi in the Nihongi is made 
in the account of Prince Senu's Yamato conquest. (Yamato is 
located in Central Japan.) 

The Prince, who was uncertain about the disposition of a 
band of inhabitants, ordered his general, Michi, to construct a 
spacious hut and invite the eighty doubtful characters to a ban- 
quet. In the midst of the entertainment, the host gave a signal 
to his warriors, upon which followed the wholesale slaughter of 
the guests. 

In commemoration of this victory, the Prince composed two 
short poems, one of which runs as follows: 



7. N. p. 262. Aston, Vol. I, p. 375. 

33 



"Though folks say- 
That one Yemishi 
Is a match for one hundred men, 
They do not so much as resist."^ 

The second reference to the Yemishi in the Nihongi and the 
first in the Kojiki are made in the chapter referring to the Em- 
peror Keiko. 

The Nihongi relates that in 95 A. D. the Emperor Keiko 
commanded Takenouchi-no-Sukune to explore the northeastern 
section of the main island. After two years, Takenouchi returned 
to the Yamato Court and reported, saying, "In the Eastern wilds 
there is country called Hitakami. The people of this country, 
both men and women tie up their hair in the form of a mallet, 
and tattoo their bodies. They are of fierce temper, and their 
general name is Yemishi. Moreover, the land is wide and fertile. 
We should attack it and take it."® Thirteen years later there 
was a widespread rebellion in the eastern wilds, and the frontier 
was in a state of turmoil. Thereupon the Emperor ordered his 
son, Prince Yamato-take, the Conqueror of the Kumaso, to 
organize an expedition against the eastern provinces. 

On this occasion, the Emperor gave an address in which he 
characterized the racial features of the Yemishi : "We hear 
that the eastern savages are of violent disposition, and are much 
given to oppression. Their hamlets have no chiefs, their villages 
no leaders, each is greedy of territory, and they plunder one 
another. . . . Amongst these eastern savages the Yemishi 
are the most powerful, their men and women live together pro- 
miscuously, there is no distinction of father and child. In winter 
they dwell in holes; in summer they live in nests. Their cloth- 
ing consists of furs, and they drink blood. Brothers are sus- 
picious of one another. In ascending mountains they are like 



8. N. p. 86. Aston, Vol. I, p. 124. 

9. N. pp. 141-142. Aston, Vol. I, p. 200. 

34 



flying birds; in going through the grass they are Hke fleet quad- 
rupeds. When they receive a favor, they forget it, but if an 
injury is done them they never fail to revenge it. Therefore, 
they keep arrows in their top-knots and carry swords within 
their clothing. Sometimes they draw together their fellows and 
make inroads on the frontier. At other times they take the 
opportunity of the harvest to plunder the people. If attacked, 
they conceal themselves in the herbage, if pursued, they flee into 
the mountains. Therefore, ever since antiquity they have not 
been steeped in the kingly civilizing influences. . . . Truly 
Heaven commiserating our want of intelligence and the dis- 
turbed condition of the country has ordained that Thou 
(Yamato-take) shouldst order the Heavenly institution, and save 
the monarchy from extinction. Moreover, the Empire is Thy 
Empire, and this dignity is Thy dignity. I adjure Thee to exer- 
cise profound policy and far-reaching foresight in searching out 
iniquity and watching against crises. 

"Admonish with majesty, comfort with kindness, avoid hav- 
ing recourse to arms, and thou wilt naturally inspire loyal obe- 
dience. So by cunning words thou mayst moderate the violent 
Deities (local chiefs) and by a display of armed force sweep 
away malignant demons. "^° 

After this. Prince Yamato-take sailed along the coast to 
Suruga, where he landed. The local chieftain of Suruga deceived 
the Prince, and plotted to destroy his party. Escaping from this 
difficulty, however, Yamato-take succeeded in making a counter- 
attack. Step by step he pushed on, and finally penetrated into 
Hitakami^^, the stronghold of the Yemishi, taking many brigand 
chiefs as prisoners. He then proceeded to Sunano, dispatching 
Otomo, one of his generals, to explore Koshi. Both parties met 
again at Mino and marched to Owari. Upon hearing about the 



10. N. pp. 144-145. Aston, Vol. I, pp. 203-204. 

11. Hitakami seems to have been identical with present Hitatsu. 

35 



Ohmi brigands, Yamato-take advanced against Ohmi, but suf- 
fered from the difficult nature of the ground, and, becomng seri- 
ously ill, he ultimately retired to Ise, where, in the year iii A. D., 
his remarkable career came to an end when he was only thirty 
years of age. 

When the sad news of Yamato-take's death reached Yamato, 
the Emperor lamented night and day, exclaiming, "Oh, our son. 
Prince Wo-usu (Yamato-take), Formerly when the Kumaso 
revolted he was still a boy. But for a long time he bore the labor 
of campaigning. Afterwards he was constantly at our side, 
supplying our deficiencies. Then when the troubles with the east- 
ern savages arose, there was no one else whom we could send to 
smite them. So, in spite of our affection for him, we sent him 
into the country of the enemy. No day passed that we did not 
think of him. Therefore, morning and evening we longingly 
awaited the day of his return. Oh ! what a calamity ! Oh ! what 
a crime ! While we least expected it, we suddenly lost our child. 
Henceforth with whom to help us shall we manage the vast 
institution?"^^ The Yemishi prisoners were taken as an offering 
to the shrine of Ise. They proved so noisy, however, that the 
priestess of Ise, Yamato-hime, transferred them to Yamato. The 
Yamato Court dividing them assigned them to the five provinces, 
namely, Harima, Saauki, lyo, Aki and Awa. In after ages these 
Yemishi prisoners constituted the Saeki clan, and performed a 
military function at the Yamato Court. 

For more than two centuries after this the Yemishi of the 
northeastern provinces remained quiet. But as time went on, 
and while the Yamato government was expending its energy 
upon internal troubles, the eastern frontier again became the 
scene of rebellion. The Yemishi frequently stormed the Imperial 
garrisons. One expedition against them was followed by another, 
and many castles were built on the northeastern front in order 



12. N. p. 149. Aston, Vol. I, p. 210. 

36 



to check the enemy's westward advance. It was not, however, 
until the beginning of the ninth century, when General Sakanoye 
Tamuramaro pierced all the enemy's lines, that general peace 
began to prevail in northern Japan. 

Though the extracts from the Japanese annals relating to 
the Yemishi are brief, still they are sufficient to enable us to 
draw two conclusions. First, that long before the inauguration of 
the Yamato government, the Yemishi inhabited central and north- 
ern Japan. Second, that the Yemishi were a race distinct from 
the Japanese proper. 

We find further proof for this latter conclusion in another 
passage from the Nihongi which reads, "Autumn, 7th month, 3rd 
day (659 A. D.) The Envoys were sent to the land of Thang 
(China). They took with them a Yemishi man and woman of 
Michinoku (northern Japan) to show to the Thang Emperor. 
The Emperor inquired of them, saying: Tn what quarter is the 
land of these Yemishi situated?' The Envoys answered respect- 
fully, saying: Tt lies to the northeast.' The Emperor inquired 
of them, saying: 'How many tribes of Yemishi are there?' 
The Envoys answered respectfully, saying: 'There are three 
kinds, the most distant are called Tsugaru, the next Ara- Yemishi 
(rough) and the nearest Nigi- Yemishi (quiet). These now here 
are Nigi- Yemishi. They bring tribute yearly to our Country's 
Court.' The Emperor inquired of them, saying: Tn their 
country are there the five kinds of grain?' The Envoys an- 
swered respectfully, saying: *No, they sustain life by eating 
flesh.' The Emperor inquired of them, saying: 'Have they 
houses in their country?' The Envoys answered respectfully, 
saying : 'No, they have their dwellings under trees, in the recesses 
of the mountains.' The Emperor went on to say: 'When we 
look at the unusual bodily appearance of these Yemishi, it is 
strange in the extreme.' "^^ 



13. N. pp. 464-465. Aston, Vol. 11, pp. 261-262. 

37 



Fortunately, at present, we find the remnants of the Yemishi 
in the modern Ainu whose present numbers hardly exceed 
twenty thousands. They live in the extreme north, as the result, 
it is said, of their defeat in the struggle for self-preservation. 

Thus we have seen the early inhabitants of Japan as they are 
described in the Kojiki and Nihongi. Since, however, there is no 
way of knowing how far we can rely upon these accounts, the 
problem of the racial sources of the Japanese requires further 
study from many other standpoints. 



Turning now from the consideration of written records to 
external evidences, we see first of all the ancient remains 
unearthed by archaeological and anthropological research. 

Up to the present day, there have been found throughout 
Japan a number of shell-heaps (Kaizuka) varying in size from 
insignificant dimensions to five hundred square yards. They 
are most numerous in the regions of Kwanto (around present 
Tokio) and Tohoku (the northeastern provinces of the main 
island). It is assumed that originally these shell-heaps stood 
at the seaside, but, owing to the gradual silting of the Pacific 
coast, they have been separated miles from the coast.^* This 
process has probably required an interval of from five to ten 
thousand years. Whether this view is geologically sound or not, 
there can be no doubt that the shell-heaps were observed from 
an early period, for the Hitachi Fudoki, or "Topography of 
Hitachi," compiled about 713 A. D., speaks of them as exist- 
ing at that time.^^ 

Students who believe that the Tsuchi-gumo or "earth-spiders" 
were the earliest inhabitants of Japan, attribute the formation 
of these shell-heaps to the Koropokguru (underground dwellers, 



14. Yagi, Nihon-Kokogaku, pp. 19-20. 

15. Gunsho-ruijiu, p. 1121. 

38 



so called by the Ainu), the modern representatives of whom are 
said to be the Eskimo. The supposed relationship between the 
Koropokguru and the modern Eskimo is based upon the presence 
of eye guards on the images of the primitive sites and harpoons 
which have been excavated, similar to those used at the present 
time.^® According to the opinion of these students, both the 
Koropokguru and Tsuchi-gumo were pit dwellers and pigmies, 
and were therefore identical. They had immigrated to Japan long 
before the arrival of the Yemishi or "Modern Ainu." When 
these races struggled for their existence, the newcomers won the 
day. The main population of Koropokguru naturally retreated 
to the north, and the Tsuchi-gumo whom the Japanese Prince 
Senu encountered in the Yamato province were a remnant of 
this race remaining in Central Japan. The Koropokguru lived 
on shell-fish, and this is the reason for the formation of shell- 
heaps.^'' To strengthen this theory the advocates produce the 
relics of pit-dwellers in Hokkaido and Itorop, together with the 
following Ainu legend: "In very ancient times, a race of people 
who dwelt in pits lived among us. They were so very tiny that 
ten of them could easily take shelter beneath one burdock leaf. 
When they went to catch herrings, they used to make boats by 
sewing the leaves together, and always fished with a hook. If 
a single herring was caught it took all the strength of the men of 
five boats or ten sometimes to hold it and drag it ashore, while 
whole crowds were required to kill it with their clubs and spears. 
Yet, strange to say, these divine little men used even to kill great 
whales. Surely these pit-dwellers were Gods."^^ This theory 
has been refuted, however, by those who, after closer examina- 
tion of these supposed evidences, have concluded that the forma- 
tion of shell-heaps is due to cannibalism practised among the 



16. Tsuboi, "Jinruigaku-Zzashi, Feb. 1903." 

17. Tsuboi, "Tinruigaku-Zzashi, April, 1897. Kida "Rekishi-Chiri, 
March 1907." 

18. Batchelor, "The Ainu and their Folk-lore," p. 13. 

Batchelor, C. f. transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, Vol. 
X, pp. 208-209. 

39 



ancient Yemishi or "Ainu," and that, so far as the chief islands 
of Japan are concerned, there has been found no trace of pig- 
mies. According to this view, the Tsuchi-gumo were Japanese 
outlaws who perhaps lived in muro or caves, for their chiefs 
not only had Japanese names but are described in a passage of 
the Nihongi as of "mighty frame and having numerous follow- 
ers,"^^ while in the Kojiki they are mentioned as brave cave 
men.^° Although in another passage the Nihongi speaks of the 
Tsuchi-gumo as pigmies and pit-dwellers, it does not necessarily 
follow that they were identical with the Koro-pok-guru. 

The supporters of this theory further hold that the pigmy 
idea is discredited not only by a careful study of the Japanese 
annals but also by the fact that pit-dwelling was prevalent 
among men of ancient time.^^ 

Moreover, they say that the pits of Hokkaido and Itorop 
show no marks of antiquity, their orderly arrangement suggest- 
ing a military encampment rather than the abode of savages. On 
excavation they yielded only unglazed pottery and a Japanese 
dirk, and no relics of pit-dwelling pigmies could be found. Re- 
garding the Ainu legend, these students contend that it cannot be 
believed, owing to the absence of tangible evidences in the chief 
islands, which could in any way contribute to its credibility. Even 
though it might contain some truth, it must have concerned events 
which occurred outside of the main island. 

They further point to the fact that whereas numerous place- 
names in Hondo (the main island) have been identified as Ainu 
words, none has been traced to any alien tongue which might 
have been spoken by pre-Yemishi immigrants. 

This theory not only repudiates the Koropokguru idea but 
it goes further and advances the hypothesis that the earliest 



19. N. p. 136. 

20. K. p. 68. 

21. C. f. Nakada, "Rekishi-Chiri, March, 1907. 

40 



inhabitants of Japan were the Yemishi or "Ainu." In examining 
these two theories we find that as far as negative evidences are 
concerned, the Yemish argument is much sounder than that sup- 
porting the Koro-pok-guru and Tsuchi-gumo idea. But upon 
what positive grounds does the Yemishi theory stand? 

Archaeological research reveals to us the existence of two 
distinct cultures in Japan, together with traces of a third. One 
culture is represented at the present day by numerous relics 
imbedded in the soil, or in shell-heaps. It is characterized by 
the total absence of metal and the presence of pottery not turned 
on ' a wheel, indicating neolithic culture. The remains of the 
other are found in sepulchral chambers and caves. Here we find 
iron implements. The third is a bronze culture. 

Geographically, sites of a neolithic culture have been found 
throughout the country, whereas those of bronze and iron are, 
as we shall see, confined to central and western Japan. 

There seems little doubt that the neolithic relics should be 
associated with the aborigines of Japan, the others being regarded 
as the products of more advanced peoples. It is upon this culture 
that the Yemishi or Ainu theory is based. 

The sites of neolithic culture in Japan are so numerous that 
more than four thousand have already been found.^^ In Hondo 
(the main island) these sites occur more frequently in the north- 
em than in the southern half. For, if we draw a line from Ise 
to Ohmi, we find that in the southern section only one-sixth of 
the sites found in the north have been discovered. In Shikoku 
and Kiushiu there is about the same percentage of these sites 
as in the section of Hondo south of the Ise-Ohmi line. There 
are comparatively few in Hokkaido, but this is probably due to 



22. A list published by the Imperial University in 1900, records 
about 3,500 sites. 

41 



the fact that this section is still largely covered by forest and 
unreclaimed land. 

It is interesting to note that the most refined and finished 
pottery has been found in large quantities in the region of the 
Kwanto provinces (around present Tokio) and its superior qual- 
ity becomes more noticeable as we advance toward the north of 
the main island. The pottery in the south is cruder than that 
in Kwanto, v/hich probably indicates an earlier origin. 

A very small amount of pottery has been found in Hokkaido. 
Some of it is coarse, but the occasional presence of wooden and 
iron utensils appears to signify a degeneration of the art in the 
far north rather than a beginning. 

The relics of the neolithic culture, which have been excavated 
from the shell-heaps, or soil, vary in kind. Yet for our purpose 
it will suffice simply to enumerate them as follows : Shell-heaps, 
hooks, arrow-heads, arrow-necks, needles, bone-presser for flak- 
ing stone, bow-tips, wooden handles, mallets or hammers, axes, 
chisels, saws, knives, spear-heads, fishing-weights, harpoons, mor- 
tars or mills, sling stones, buttons, swords, sinkers, gaffs, scrap- 
pers, hoes, whetstones, images, masks, bowls, plates, caps, boats, 
cooking-pans, bottles/ jars, shell, stag horns, animal bones, teeth 
and bones of man and human skulls and skeletons, etc.^^ The 
implements and utensils are made from stone, bone, horn, bam- 
boo, wood and clay. It must be noted that those obtained from 
the shell-heaps are of greater archaeological value than the 
others, for the shell-heaps are regarded as a pure and genuine 
relic of the primitive culture in Japan. 

According to Mr. Yagi, the shell-heaps are most numerous 
in the Kwanto, but decrease toward the far north and south.^* 



23. C. f. Yagi-Nichon-Kokogaku," pp. 1-75. 

24. Yagi, Nihon-Kokogaku, pp. 41-42. 

42 



Even as far south as Satsuma, however, some shell-heaps have 
been found. 

We may fairly say from the foregoing evidences that even 
though the geographical distribution of its relics varies, the neo- 
lithic culture of Japan was uniform throughout the entire country. 

It is this fact that induced the supporters of the Yemishi 
theory to work out the hypothesis that the aborigines of Japan 
consisted of one race, and that this race was the Yemishi. 

They further hold that, since the skulls and human bones 
excavated from the shell-heaps have been identified with those 
of the Ainu,^^ these shell-heaps are unquestionably of Yemishi 
or Ainu origin. 

It is contended by some who oppose the Yemishi theory that 
the modern Ainu do not use pit-dwellings, or stone implements, 
nor do they make pottery. Moreover the patterns on their wooden 
articles differ from those on the pottery and stone implements 
of the neolithic age.^® But this has been refuted by students of 
the Ainu culture, who maintain that pit-dwellings have been 
used by the Ainu of Saghalien and the Kuriles and that in Hok- 
kaido and Kuriles pottery and stone implements have been found. 
They also contend that in ancient times there certainly might 
have been racial sub-divisions among the Yemishi and that the 
modern Ainu, mere decadent representatives of the Yemishi, 
cannot be expected to retain all the marks of their ancient cul- 
ture. 

So far all evidences seem to favor the Yemishi or Ainu theory. 
But before any conclusion can be reached we must consider the 
race mentioned in the Japanese annals as the Kumaso, or "brave 



25. Koganei, "Beitrage zur Physichen Anthropologic der Aino," Band 
2, No. 2. "Mittheilungen aus der Medicinischen Facultat der Kaiserlich 
Japanischen Universitat." 

26. Munro, "Primitive Culture in Japan," p. 184. 

43 



bandits," for, whoever they might have been, the fact remains 
that they are spoken of in these writings as the primitive inhab- 
itants of southern Japan. As we have seen, nothing is recorded 
in either the Kojiki and Nihongi regarding the physical features 
of the Kumaso. Mr. Numata advances a theory that the Kumaso 
originally belonged to the Sow race of Borneo and that they 
found their way to Japan on the Kuro-shiwo, or "Black tide."^'^ 
He attempts to prove this by showing that the customs of both 
races are similar. The theory is plausible, but, owing to the lack 
of external evidences in Japan which could verify this argument, 
its validity must for the present remain a matter of question. 

On the other hand, it is argued by the supporters of the 
Yemishi theory that the Kumaso belonged to the same racial 
family with the Yemishi or Ainu, for, not only many place names 
in Kiushiu are identified as Ainu words, but the meanings of 
Kuma (bear) and So (brave) signify Ainu origin.^^ 

Whether this opinion be sound or not, no relics of the Kumaso 
as a race distinct from the Yemishi have as yet been found. 
Moreover, we learn from a Chinese source^® that the early inhab- 
itants of southern Japan seem to be a race allied to the Yemishi. 
These facts seem to give much weight to the Yemishi theory. 

Why, then, and how did they, the northern and southern 
Yemishi, become separated? 

The most credible explanation may be that in remote ages 
the Yemishi came from south and populated the Philippines, 
Formosa, and Japan. In Japan they met the Japanese immi- 
grants who probably came from Korea, landing at neighboring 
ports. Both races struggled for supremacy. But the Japanese, 
being more highly civilized, easily separated the Yemishi popula- 



27. Numata, NIhon-jinshu-Shinron. 

28. Motoori-Zenshiu, Vol. II, pp. 240-241. Kokushi-Soranko, Vol. II, 
pp. 19-21. Omori, Kokushi-gaisetsu, pp. 226-229. 

29. Hau Han Su. 

44 



tion, pushing one part to the south and the other to the north. 
The southern Yemishi (Kumaso) were soon subjugated, but 
those in the north were left unconquered for many years. 

Thus the Yemishi theory seems to be verified from many 
standpoints. There is, of course, a possibility that further 
research in this field may change the present theory and attribute 
the neolithic culture of Japan to some other races, for the geo- 
graphical situation of Japan would make it easy for people to 
come to the country from every direction. But, at present, we 
share the opinion, so admirably expressed by Dr. Munro, that 
"there are no anthropological reasons for maintaining that the 
Ainu (Yemishi) were not formerly prevalent throughout 
Japan."2« 

We have already noted that besides the neolithic culture of 
Yemishi archaeological research of the pre-historic Japan has 
revealed the existence of an iron culture which is confined prin- 
cipally to the section south of the Ise-Ohmi line, the center of 
this culture being Yamato. The fact that for many years 
Yamato was the center from which ancient Japan was ruled, 
makes it clear that the iron culture should be regarded as belong- 
ing to the Japanese. 

But where did these Japanese come from? 

In their chapters on the legendary period, both the Kojiki 
and Nihongi speak of the creation of the Japanese islands by a 
Kami^^ couple, Izanagi and Izanami, who undertook this task 
in obedience to a decree of the producing Kami,^^ at Takamano- 
hara, or "Plain of High Heaven." 

The annals also tell us that all the Japanese came down from 
Takamanohara, but all confined their settlements to southern and 



30. Munro, "Primitive Culture in Japan," p. 198. 

31. K. p. 10. N. pp. 1-8. Kami means superior. 

32. K. p. 10. N. pp. S-6. 

45 



western Japan, principally in Izumo, Tsukushi and Yamato. We 
read that generally speaking, these Japanese had a tribal organiza- 
tion, and that their religion Shinto was a combination of ancestor 
and nature worship, which has been the political religion of Japan 
down to the present time. 

Mention is made of the use of iron, spades, axes, swords, 
spears, metal armour, shields, bows, arrows, and other arms as 
well as pottery, gold, silver, mirrors and gems. Grains and 
marine animals together with textiles of such as mulberry and 
hemp seem to have provided for their daily necessities. Carriages 
and ships were in use and it is interesting to find that the crocodile 
is mentioned in the Japanese legend. 

This legend refers to Yorunokuni or "the country of night," 
Aounabara, or "the sea plain," Nenokuni, or "Hades," and 
Tokoyonokuni, or "the eternal land," to which places the Japanese 
seem to have also descended from Takamanohara. 

The sea plain has been identified, as we shall see, With a 
neighboring province in Korea, but the rest of them, as well as 
Takamanohara, have remained unidentified. 

On the other hand, the Chinese records tell us that "the Japa- 
nese are descended from the Chinese Prince Tai Peh of Wu,"83 
and that "a colony from China under Su-she settled in Japan in 
219 B. C.,^* and again that the northern and southern Was 
(Japanese) are subject to the kingdom of Yen."^^ Yen was a 
kingdom of northern China which had an independent exist- 
ence from 1 1 22 to 265 B. C. 

Referring to the manners and customs of the pre-historic 
Japan the Chinese records give us the following description: 



33. Shiseki-Shiuran, Vol. XX, p. 28. 

34. Shiseki-Shiuran, Vol. XX, p. 18. 

35. Shiseki-Shiuran, Vol. XX, p. 7. 

46 



"Wa (Japan) lies nearly east of Kwai Ki (in Chekiang), 
and therefore the laws and customs are similar. The soil is 
favorable for the production of grain and hemp, and for the 
cultivation of the silk mulberry. They understand the art of 
weaving. The country produces white pearls and green jade. 
There is cinnabar in the mountains. The climate is mild, and 
vegetables can be grown both in winter and summer. There 
are no oxen, horses, tigers, leopards, or magpies. Their soldiers 
have spears and shields, wooden bows and bamboo arrows, which 
sometimes are tipped with bone. The men all tattoo their faces 
and adorn their bodies with designs. Differences of rank are 
indicated by the position and size of the patterns. The men's 
clothing is fastened breadth-wise and consists of one piece of 
cloth. The women tie their hair in a bow, and their clothing 
resembles our gowns of one thickness of cloth. It is put on by 
being passed over the head. They use pink and scarlet to smear 
their bodies with as rice-powder is used in China. They have 
stockaded forts and houses. Father and mother, elder and younger 
brothers and sisters live separately, but at meetings there is no 
distinction on account of sex. They take their food with their 
hands, but have bamboo trays and wooden trenches to place 
it on. It is their general custom to go bare-footed. Respect is 
shown by squatting down. They are much given to strong drink. 
They are a long lived race, and persons who have reached ioq 
are very common. The women are more numerous than the 
men. 

"All men of high rank have four or five wives ; others two or 
three. The women are faithful and not jealous. There is no 
theft and litigation is unfrequent. The wives and children of 
those who break the law are confiscated and for grave crimes 
the offender's family is extirpated. Mourning lasts for some 
ten days only, during which time the members of the family 
weep and lament, whilst their friends come singing, dancing and 
making music. 

47 



"They practice divination by burning bones, and by that 
means they ascertain good and luck, and whether or not to 
undertake journeys and voyages. They appoint a man whom 
they style the 'mourning keeper.' He is not allowed to comb 
his hair, to wash, to eat meat, or to approach women. When 
they are fortunate, they make him valuable presents; but if fall 
ill, or meet with disaster, they set it down to the mourning- 
keeper's failure to observe his vows, and together they put him 
to death."^^ 

If these Chinese accounts are reliable, the riddle contained 
in the Japanese legend can be easily solved. But, since these 
accounts are challenged by many students who believe that they 
refer only to the Kumaso,^'' the question of their validity must 
for the present remain unanswered. We must therefore turn 
to the archaeologists and anthropologists for further evidences 
of the probable origin of the Japanese. 

Up to this time archaeological research has shown that most 
of the relics of Japanese culture have been found in tombs. 
These tombs vary in form and consist chiefly of mounds, caves 
and dolmens. 

From their constijuction and magnitude the mound and cave 
appear to have been the tombs of the gentry or lower officials, 
while the dolmen might have been the sepulchre of higher per- 
sonages. The mound and cave are found also in the Yemishi 
culture, but the dolmen is exclusively associated with the Japa- 
nese. It is on this account that the dolmen is regarded by 
archaeologists as the most characteristic of Japanese tombs. As 
far as we can learn from the Japanese annals,^* the building of 
dolmen ceased somewhere between 600 and 700 A. D., but there 



36. Shisekl-Shuiran, p. 10. 

37. C. f. Yoshida, "Kodai-hen," p. 266. 

38. Dainihonshi. Also see, Yagi, "Koko-Binran," pp. 77-78. 

48 



is no record of the date when this style of structure was intro- 
duced. It is said that the dolmens also existed in China from 
very early times, but they were not built later than the ninth 
century B. C.^^ In Korea we find the dolmens with megalithic 
roofs. These dolmens may have been brought from China to 
Korea and thence to Japan, but there is no date to be found in 
the Korean annals. 

Mr. Munro,*° estimating the evolution of dolmen from the 
most recent ones in northern Japan to those built at an earlier 
date in western Japan, has concluded that this form of tomb 
began to be used in about 500 B., C. Mr. Gowland places the 
date about three hundred years later.^^ 

A porcelain coffin similar to those used in Asia minor about 
three thousand years ago, has been found in Mimasaka (near 
Izumo). If it can be proved that this coffin was used by the 
Japanese, it would appear that they have come to the country at 
a very early date, perhaps bringing the knowledge of dolmen 
building with them or acquiring it later from China through 
Korea. If there is any truth in this conjecture, it may give 
some weight to Mr. Munro's opinion. 

The geographical distribution of these dolmens is exceed- 
ingly interesting, for it enables us to ascertain archaeological 
facts verifying the movements of the early Japanese described 
in the legend. 

The sites of these dolmens occur most frequently in Yamato 
(present Kinai), then in Izumo (present Sanindo) especially, 
Iwami, Izumo, Hoki, Inaba, and Tamba. They are also found 
in Sanyodo, Shikodu and north and east Kiushiu. Dr. Tsubois' 
investigation points to the fact that there is no dolmen in the 



39. Brinkley, "A History of the Japanese People," p. 50. 

40. Munro, "Primitive Culture in Japan," p. 173. 

41. Gowland, "The Dolmens and burial mounds in Japan." Arch- 
aeologia. Vol. LV. 

49 



southern section of Kiushiu.*^ In northern Japan we find a large 
group of dolmens in Kwanto and comparatively few in Iwaki, 
but the northern sites belong to the later period. 

Among the dolmens there is one class deserving special men- 
tion. This is a double mound which, however, never contains 
more than one dolmen. We know that these mounds were the 
burial places of the ancient Emperors and there is reason to 
believe that they were also used as the tombs of powerful chiefs, 
for the Nihongi^^ tells us that the Great Minister 5oga-no- 
Yemishi erected one during his lifetime. They have been found 
in Yamato (Kinai) north, central and southeast Kiushiu, Izumo, 
Harima, and Kwanto (especially Kotsuke). Comparing these 
archaeological facts with the Japanese legend, which speaks of 
the existence of three centres among the early Japanese, the 
oldest being Izumo, we find that the written accounts are borne 
out by the scientific discoveries. Does this conformity not indi- 
cate that the legend of the Kojiki and Nihongi is based upon 
something more substantial than mere surmises of the 8th century 
writers ? 

Be this as it may, the presence of dolmens in both Izumo 
and Korea throws some light upon the probable direction from 
which the early Japanese came, even though it is of no assistance 
in helping us to determine to what race they belonged. 

Among the relics discovered in the Japanese tombs, we find 
iron swords, daggers, arrow-heads, spear-heads, halberd-heads, 
armour, helmets, stirrups, bridle-bits, ornamental trappings for 
horses, axes, hoes, spades, chains, rings, buckles, nails, and 
handles, bronze, or copper arrow-heads, spear-heads, helmets, 
arm and leg guards, shoes, belts, mirrors, rings, bracelets, and 
jingle-bells (suzu), silver or gold rings, chains, and pendants. 



42. Kume, Kodai-shi, p. 243. 

43. N. p. n. 



^O 



curved jewelry (magatama) and other gems, stone coffins, por- 
celain coffin, terra cotta or clay images, (haniwa), burial jars, 
sacred utensils (iwaibe), wooden implements and miscellaneous 
pottery. 

It must be remembered that although the Japanese tombs 
have yielded bronze mirrors, bowls, jingle-bells, and stone 
weapons and implements made to imitate those of metals, the 
salient feature of Japanese culture is iron. The swords are all 
of iron and some have at the end of the tang, a disc bearing 
a perforated design of two dragons holding a ball which suggest 
Chinese origin or imitation of Chinese workmanship. 

Others have pommels surmounted by a bulb set at an angle 
to the tang. These swords resemble those used by the Turan- 
ians. Still others have been found in Kwanto, which are said 
to be similar to those of western Asiatic origin. The continental 
origin of these various kinds of swords is unquestionable, but 
whether those found in the Japanese tombs were made in Japan 
or not, is a matter which cannot be proved conclusively. We 
learn from a Chinese source that "Sin Han, one of the three 
ancient Korean kingdoms, produced iron, and that Wa (Japan) 
and Ma Han, the most western of these Korean kingdoms, 
traded in it and used it as currency.44 Moreover, in the Japanese 
annals, the sword of Susanoo is called Orochi-no-Kara-Sabi,*^ 
Kara, being a Japanese name for Korea and it further tells us 
that some swords were made in Japan. By this we may con- 
clude that the early Japanese knew something of the art of sword 
making and that they also may have traded with Korea. May 
not this also suggest Japanese immigration through Korea? 

Practically all the dolmens contain round bronze mirrors. 
It is said that the art of bronze work was known in China twenty 



44. Toiden, or "Chronicles of the Eastern Barbarians," (Hau Han Su) 

45. N. p. 37. 

51 



centuries prior to the Christian era. One chapter of the Japanese 
annals tells us that a bronze mirror was made by Ishikoritome 
in a remote age.*^ In other parts, we find references to mirrors 
having been sent from Korea to Japan as tribute. A Chinese 
account mentions that in 242 A. D. the Chinese Emperor sent 
100 sheets of bronze mirror as a present to the Japanese Queen.*^ 
Copper was not mined in Japan until after the introduction of 
Buddhism. Consequently the early Japanese must either have 
obtained these bronze mirrors from Korea or brought the art 
of making them with them in which case they would have been 
obliged to get materials from Korea. 

This suggests the existence of close intercourse between 
Japan and Korea. 

The dolmens have also yielded magatama or "curved jewels" 
and kudatama, or "cylindrical jewels." Minerals for these jewels 
are jade, nephrite, chrysoprase, agate, amber, jasper, quartz, 
glass and others. The first three of these minerals, however, 
have never been found in Japan. It is probable that they were 
introduced from Korea in the form of tribute as they were 
regarded as precious treasures. If this be true, we have another 
indication of the close contact of Japan with Korea.*^ 

Other important spoils of the Japanese tombs are Iwaibe or 
"sacred utensils" and Haniwa or "Terracotta and clay images." 

The Iwaibe are the most characteristic of Japanese pottery. 
They are of great hardness, having metallic rings which are 
sometimes used for handles and sometimes for ornaments. Their 
decorations are exceedingly simple and restrained, sometimes 
showing imitations of textiles. 



46. K. p. 26. _N. p. 29. 

47. Shiseki-Shiuran, p. 16. 

48. C. f. "Kagami-to-Tsurugi-to-Tama," by K. Takahashi. 

52 



In nearly every case the vessels appear to have been moulded 
on the wheel and they are interspersed with the figures of small 
jars, horses, deer, wild boars, dogs, birds, tortoises, and human 
beings. 

The Iwaibe seem to have been made for funerals or other 
ceremonies, for their colors are subdued, varying from dark 
brown to light gray. 

Although some of the Iwaibe have no resemblance to those 
of Korea and China, yet speaking generally, we can find the 
counterpart of most of them in northern Korea. 

The Haniwa, or "Terracotta and clay images," have been 
found around the dolmens. They consist of cylinders sur- 
mounted by figures or heads of animals and human beings. We 
learn from the Nihongi that "in the year 2 B, C. Prince Yamato 
died and was buried. Thereupon his personal attendants were 
assembled and were all buried alive upright in the precinct of 
the Misasagi (the Imperial Burial place). For several days 
they died not, but wept and wailed day and night. At last they 
died and rotted. Dogs and crows gathered and ate them. The 
Emperor (Suinin) hearing the sound of their weeping and wail- 
ing, was grieved in heart, and commanded his high officers 
saying: Tt is very painful thing to force those whom one has 
loved in life to follow him in death. Though it be an ancient 
custom, why follow it, if it is bad? From this time forward 
take counsel so as to put a stop to the following of the dead.' 
In the third year A. D. the Empress died. Sometime before 
the burial, the Emperor commanded his ministers saying, 'We 
have already recognized that the practice of following the dead 
is not good. What should now be done in performing this burial ? 
Thereupon, Nomi-no-Sukune came forward and said, Tt is 
not good to bury living men upright at the tumulus of a prince. 
How can such a practice be handed down to posterity? I beg 

53 



leave propose an expedient which I will submit to Your Majesty.' 
So he sent messengers to summon up from the land of Izumo 
a hundred men of the clay worker's Be (Be means clan or 
corporation). He himself directed the men of the Clay Worker's 
Be to take clay and form therewith shapes of men, horses, and 
various objects which he presented to the Emperor. . . ."*^ 
This indicates the ancient Japanese practice of human sacrifice 
for the service of the dead, but it must be remembered that as 
Dr. Tylor remarks, this custom was "one of the most wide- 
spread, distinct and intelligible rites of animistic religion,"^" and 
was practiced from time immemorial by the Chinese, the Manchu 
Tartars, and many other nations of northeastern Asia. In China 
a device to substitute images for human beings seems to have 
been introduced as early as the 7th Century B. C. It is more 
than likely that Japan owed this new idea of substitution to 
China, but it must have come through Korea, for as the Nihongi 
states^^ the Haniwa workers were Izumo people who undoubtedly 
were in close contact with the Korean peninsula from the earliest 
date. 

It must be noted that from the most remote times a sword, 
mirror and magatama have been the regalia of Japan.^^ If we 
can assume that these three relics together with the Iwaibe and 
Haniwa were inseparably associated with Korea, may we not 
hope to be lead to a possible solution of this vexed question, 
the origin of the Japanese people? 

According to the Nihongi,^^ Susanoo, one of the Japanese 
Chiefs and an important figure in the legend, accompanied by 
his son Itakeru went to Silla in Korea where he lived for some 
time in Soshi-mori (Ox-head Mountain). His Japanese pos- 



49. 


N. pp 


. 126-127._ Aston, 


Vol. 


I. 


pp. 


178-181. 


SO. 


Tylor, 


"Primitive 


Culture," 


P- 


458. 




51. 


N. p. 


127. 












52. 


Sanshu-no-Jingi. 












53. 


N. p. 


37. 













54 



thumous title is Gozu-Tenno. It is said that the Japanese term 
of Gozu (ox-head) corresponds to a Korean word Soshi (ox- 
head). Consequently, Gozu-Tenno indicates that Susanoo was 
the ruler of Ox-head mountain in Korea. Another account in 
the Nihongi^^ tells us that Susanoo brought gold and silver from 
Korea to Japan while his son, Itakeru, introduced seeds of trees. 
Itakeru was afterwards deified in Japan, for we learn from the 
Yengi-shiki or "regulations of the Yengi," that there are six 
shrines in Izumo called Kara-Kuni Itate Jinja, or "Shrine of 
Itakeru of Korea." 

The Izumo Fiidoki, or "topography of Izumo," remarks that 
Omitsu, one of Susanoo's sons, imported cotton stuffs from 
Silla to Japan, unloading them at Cape Kitsuki in Izumo. 

Moreover, both the Kojiki and Nihongi speak in their legen- 
dary chapter, of the marriages of Hohodemi and his son Fukiaeji 
(Prince Senu's father) to daughters of Watatsumi or "Kami of 
sea." We further learn from the Kojiki that "Prince Mikenu 
(Prince Senu's elder brother) crossed over to the Eternal Land. 
Prince Inahi (another of Prince Senu's elder brothers) went into 
the sea plain, it being his deceased mother's land."^^ The Seishi- 
Roku or "the Catalogue of family names," mentions that Prince 
Inahi was ancestor of Silla dynasty. Since Prince Inahi was 
the son of Watatsumi's daughter, it is natural to assume that 
the sea-plain is identical with Silla in Korea. This belief is 
not only expressed by a learned historiographer Otsuai,^^ but 
it is shared by many archaeologists. Furthermore it is asserted 
by some archaeologists that in northern Korea there have been 
found iron swords, copper spear-heads, and arrow-heads, and 
glass gems similar to those used by the early Japanese. 



54. N. p. 38. 

55. K. p. 61. Chamberlain, p. 129. 

56. Otsuai, "Teikoku-Kinenshian." 

55 



Taking all these facts and indications into consideration, we 
may fairly conclude that the Japanese people came from Korea 
and peopled western Japan, The probable date of their first 
immigration is about 500 B. C. or earlier. This is based upon 
Mr. Munro's calculation regarding the date of the introduction 
of dolmens into Japan, which he places at 500 B. C.,^'^ if the 
Japanese people brought these dolmens with them they probably 
arrived about this time. But they may have come earlier and 
learned the art of dolmen building from China. 

Who were the early Japanese? And where did they come 
from before immigrating to Korea? 

At present there are two theories attempting to answer these 
questions. 

One supports the southern origin of the Japanese. The other 
holds that they came from the north. 

Generally speaking, the advocates of the southern theory set 
forth the following arguments: — 

1. The early Japanese resemble the present inhabitants of 
the South Sea islands in the following respects: They orna- 
mented their bodies and blacked their teeth; they used the same 
kinds of swords, bows, and shields; they were skillful in the 
manipulation of canoes and in making bamboo articles; they 
lived sometimes in huts, they had paternal organizations; they 
used masks for religious services; they were fond of dancing 
with accompaniment of singing and hand-clapping; and they 
dressed their hair in a similar fashion. 

2. The Japanese term Kami or "superior," is used also in 
Formosa and Malay with the same meaning. 

3. Jade which is one of the minerals for magatama, or "curved 
jewels" is produced in Cochin China. 



57. Munro, p. 173. 

56 



4. Crocodile which is mentioned in the Japanese legend came 
from the South. 

5. The use of comb is of southern origin. 

6. The placing of a bronze mirror in a shrine is of southern 
origin. 

7. The eating and cultivating of rice is of southern origin. 

8. The members of the Imperial family and the other noble 
families in Japan are generally of the Sutsuma type which is 
regarded as the modern representative of the Kumaso or Hayato. 

9. The above reasons are verified by Chinese records.^^ 

Dr. Kume argues that the cradle of the Japanese was some- 
where in India, whence they moved eastward to Indo-China, 
southern China, Korea and then Japan. He especially empha- 
sises that the Shinto cult is of southern origin.^® 

Another interesting and plausible statement is made by Mr. 
Murdoch which reads : "The southern invaders, known at first 
as Kumaso and later on as Hayato, probably arrived in southern 
Kiushiu long before the establishment of the Izumo state. Of 
these invaders, evidently of sea-faring proclivities, a branch 
passed into south-western Korea, which according to Mr. Hul- 
bert's hypothesis, was peopled from the south and not from 
the north. Those settled in Kiushiu came into conflict with the 
Ainu (Yemishi) a few of whom they may have driven to take 
refuge in the Luchu islands, while the others were exterminated 
or thrown back into the main island. 

Meanwhile the Izumo state was foimded by immigrants of 
Chinese extraction whose ancestors had settled among the Korean 
Kumaso, and dominated them by their superior culture, but from 



58. Kume, "Nihon-Kodaishi," pp. 60-61. 

59. Kume, "Nihon-Kodaishi," p. 57. 

57 



the paucity of their numbers had been driven to acquire the 
"Korean-Kumaso" language. Ultimately a branch of the Kiushiu- 
Kumaso came into contact with this Izumo state, or rather with 
its outlying dependencies and either conquered them, or came 
to terms and gradually amalgamated with this continental 
people, their superiors in culture, but their inferiors in war and 
in the prosaic work-a-day task of administration, and in real 
practical ability generally. The combination of this branch of 
the Kumaso and the Izumo men proved irresistible; they pushed 
their conquests eastward along shores of the Inland Sea, and 
ultimately established a strong central state in Yamato, at the 
expense of the aboriginal Ainu, who may already have found 
themselves hard pressed by the impact of the Izumo people 
from the north-west.^" 

The supporters of the northern theory contend: 

1. Although the modern Japanese are a mixed race, it is 
discernible that in the Japanese upper classes who are regarded 
as descendants of the early Japanese, the Manchu-Korean type 
prevails. The Manchu-Korean type predominates in northern 
China and in Korea and is characteristic of Yakut, Bashkir, 
Kirghig, Nigurs, Urbeks, Turkomanns, Tartars and Tunguse, 

who are members of the Uralo-Altaic race.®^ 

t 

2. At present there are two languages in Japan, Japanese 
and Ainu, which have remained independent tongues in spite 
of the fact that many Japanese bear unmistakable signs of Ainu 
blood. Japan owes much to the civilization of China, but there 
is no strong connection between the Japanese and Chinese 
languages. In like manner, the Japanese language is entirely 
unrelated to those spoken by the Malays, the South Sea islanders 
and Eskimos. There is, however, a close affinity between Japanese 



60. Murdoch, "History of Japan," Vol. I, pp. 51-52. 

61. Baelz, "An article in the Kaikoku-Gojunenshi," Vol. II, pp. 983-996. 

58 



and languages of Korea, Luchu, Manchuria, Mongolia, Persia, 
Turkey, Hungary, and Finland.®^ 

3. Iron swords, spear-heads, arrow-heads, and gems similar 
to those used by the ancient Japanese have been found in the 
northern border of Korea, which was peopled by the Tunguse. 

4. A porcelain coffin which was recovered in western Japan 
indicates the northern origin of Japanese for porcelain coffins 
were in use in Asia minor about 3000 years ago. 

5. Chrysoprase, one of the minerals for magatama was pro- 
duced in Tibet and in the region of Lake Baikal. 

6. The ancient Japanese did not tattoo their bodies. 

7. The ancient Japanese had white skin. This differentiates 
them from the Malay. 

8. The ancient Japanese had an iron culture, whereas there 
is in Malay none similar to it. 

9. The use of Sakaki or "Eurya Ochnacea," in the Shinto 
rites is of Korean origin. 

10. Gold and silver which are mentioned in the Japanese legend 
were produced in Korea. 

The advocates of the northern theory therefore hold that 
the Japanese originally lived in western Asia, whence they came 
through the interior of Asia to Manchuria and Korea, thence to 
Izumo, conquering the aboriginal Yemishi of western and 
southern Japan, and finally extending their sway to the central 
part of the main island.^^ Mr. Munro, advocating the northern 
origin of Japanese with some slight variation, remarks: "The 



62. Nakamura, "Nihon-Kaibiakushi," pp. 1-55. Kanazawa, "Nichikan- 
Dogokeiron." Cf. articles on this subject by Chamberlain, Aston and 
others in transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan. 

63. Nakamura, Nihon-Kaibyakushi, pp. 1-56. 

59 



Yamato leaders if we may judge by the terracotta figures which 
have been left, were not pure Mongolians. Many of these figures 
exhibit a distinctly Caucasian appearance and the aristocratic 
type of Japanese preserves these features to this day. The 
beau ideal of the artists and poets of Japan indicates a proto- 
type of Iranian or other Semitic affinity. That whiteness of 
skin was a desideratum is evident from marked allusions to it 
in the ancient writings. It is probable that the military aris- 
tocracy of Semitic (Assyrian?) origin were followed by a 
Mongolian rank and file and that modification took place to some 
extent before arrival in Japan, But the Semitic leaven, though 
outcropping among all classes according to Mendel's induction, 
could but partially affect the mass. It is conceivable therefore, 
that the Mongolian element in Japan was an imported and not 
an original stock,"^* 

Geographically Japan is accessable not only to the Asiatic 
Continent but to Malaysia and Polynesia, and naturally, from 
a comparatively early period, she must have invited people from 
all directions as it is affirmed by the annals and variety of 
countenances among the modern Japanese. This fact causes 
great difficulty when we endeavor to ascertain who the original 
Japanese were. If, the advocates of the southern theory insist 
upon their hypothesis, they will find nothing to prove con- 
^clusively that they are wrong. The same may be said of the 
supporters of the northern theory. No one really knows who 
the original Japanese were, but it seems an indisputable fact 
that they came from Korea, Nevertheless in comparing these 
two theories, one is struck with the facts that the northern 
theory is based upon more reliable evidences of archaeological 
and anthropological research than the southern theory and that 
the latter is too faithful in interpreting the legendary chapter 
of the Japanese annals, whereas the former seeks external evi- 



64. Munro, pp. 195-196. 

60 



dences regardless of whether they conform to the legend or not. 

It is on this account that for the present, many students incline 
to believe the northern origin of the Japanese people. 

If we accept the northern theory as the probable explanation 
of the origin of the Japanese, the question may be asked where 
was the Takamanohara described in the legend as the cradle 
of the Japanese people? 

Dr. Kume, an advocate of the southern theory, thinks that 
it was Ise.®^ Some supporters of the northern theory consider 
that it was Yamato.^^ Korea and Shikoku are also suggested. 

But as we shall see in a subsequent chapter, there are reasons 
to believe that the Takamanohara episode was created by ancient 
Shinto priests, whereas we have no records nor external evi- 
dences which could verify its existence. Let it suffice here to 
say that the identity of Takamanohara must be subjected to 
further investigation. 

Before we leave this chapter, one more question remains to 
be considered; namely the bronze culture. 

The sites of this culture occur for the most part in the 
northern half of Kiushiu and in south of the Ise-Ohmi line, the 
chief relics being the swords, daggers, halberds, arrow-heads and 
bells. With the exception of arrow-heads, these relics have 
always been disinterred from the soil and never from the 
Japanese tombs, nor from the neolithic sites. Some halberds 
have been traced to Shangton of China, Bells have also been 
associated with China, although their decoration resemble those 
on the Japanese pottery. The daggers bear a certain resemblance 
to the Malay "kirs," but there is no conclusive evidence to 
identify these two weapons with one another. As for swords 



65. Kume, "Kodaishi," pp. 222-223. 

66. Hagino, "Dainihon-Tsushi," Vol. I, p. 14. Nakamura, p. 54-55. 

6i 



and arrow-heads, it is suggested that since the stone swords and 
arrow-heads, which have been discovered in the Japanese tombs 
indicate that they are modelled after the bronze weapons, the 
bronze swords and arrow-heads are the connecting links between 
the stone age and the iron age. 

Some of the bronze weapons were cast in Japan for the 
moulds have often been discovered. It is further interesting to 
note that the bronze weapons have never been found in southern 
Kiushiu, whereas provinces facing Korea and China have yielded 
them in considerable number. 

However this may be, it is a matter of conjecture how this 
culture came into Japan. The bronze vestiges themselves show 
that they have a certain connection with both the Asiatic con- 
tinent and Yamato. It seems also certain that this culture pre- 
ceded the iron Japanese culture for it is impossible that the 
owners of the bronze weapons could have gained a foothold in 
Japan after it was held by the Japanese. 

But who were the possessors of this culture in Japan ? 

Some express the belief that the bronze culture belonged to 
the earliest Japanese immigrants to western Japan and that as 
time went on, self-contained evolution from bronze to iron took 
place in Japan. The objection has been made to this opinion 
that no bronze relics except arrow-heads, have been found in 
the Japanese tombs. Mr. Brinkley replies to this objection 
however that, "this culture belonged to the Japanese who immi- 
grated to Japan prior to the dolmen age.^'^ 

If we can prove that dolmen building in Japan was intro- 
duced after the arrival of the Japanese immigrants, Mr. Brink- 
ley's opinion may have full weight. 



67. Brinkley, p. 49. 

62 



CHAPTER III. 

THE BEGINNING OF THE STATE. 

We have seen in the foregoing chapter that the early Japanese 
immigrating from Korea estabHshed a foothold in Japan at the 
expense of the aboriginal Yemishi or Ainu. It does not necessarily 
follow, however, that because the Japanese were victorious 
over the Yemishi, the Japanese state at its beginning, consisted 
of all the Japanese as a body politic as some ardent advocates 
of the patriarchal origin of the Japanese state contend. 

When William, Duke of Normandy, was crowned at West- 
minster in 1066 A. D., he exercised his political power most 
effectively all over the conquered provinces. If we can accept 
the hypothesis that the state is the possessor of sovereign power 
and if this sovereign power means the most effective power over 
a considerable geographical area and its inhabitants, then King 
William I of England was himself the State. The state in this 
sense is unquestionably distinct from the nation which seems to 
be fundamentally a community of the same ethnological origin. 

The Japanese legend which is contained in both the Kojiki 
and Nihongi must be our principal source for the study of the 
origin of the Japanese state. Although the Nihongi opens its 
first chapter with an account of the creation of the world and 
sets forth the legend in more detail than the Kojiki, these two 
records do not differ fundamentally. 

As a matter of fact, the Kojiki adheres more closely to the 
genuine expression of the early life of the nation and therefore 
must be regarded as the basis for our present study. We shall, 
however, compare it carefully with the Nihongi and summarize 
the Japanese legend as follows: 

63 



At the beginning of the "Heaven and Earth," there were in 
Takamanohara or "Plain of high Heaven," three invisible "super- 
iors" (Kami) namely Amenominakanushi, or "The Great 
Central Being," Takamimusubi and Kammusubi, or "The Great 
producing Superiors." These Kami formed the trinity of the 
Creators of the world. Two other Kami then appeared making 
in all five Kami known as the invisible heavenly superiors. 

They were followed by seven generations of single Kami or 
Kami couples, the last of these couples being Izanagi and Izanami, 
the "superiors of desire." Izanagi and Izanami, were ordered 
by all the other Kami to "make, consolidate and give birth to 
the drifting land,"^ a jewelled spear (Amenonuhoko) being given 
as a token of authority." 

Thereupon, the Kami couple at once set to work and standing 
on a floating bridge (Amenoukibashi), they thrust the spear into 
the ocean and begot an island which was called Onokoroshima. 

Then they gave birth to the islands of Japan, namely : Awaji, 
lyo, Oki, Tsukushi, Iki, Tsushima, Sado, Toyoakitsushima, and 
six other small islands, assigning many Kami to take charge of 
them. They also brought forth the Kami of the wind's breath, 
of the river, the sea, the mountains, the trees, fire, etc. When 
Izanami, the female* Kami gave birth to the Kami of fire, she 
lost her life and was buried on the borders of Izumo and Hoki. 
Lamenting the death of his wife, Izanagi like Orpheus, visited 
the land of night to implore her to return to him. She replied 
that unhappily having already eaten within the portals of the 
land of night, she must ask the Kami of the underworld to allow 
her to depart and bade him refrain from looking upon her face, 
while she was seeking this permission. But impatient at her 
delay, he broke off a tooth of his comb and lighting it approached 
her only to find her a hideous mass of corruption in the midst 

Tk. p. 10. 

64 



of which were the eight Kami of thunder. Izanagi fled horrified 
while Izanami, angry at being put to shame, sent the hosts of 
Hades to pursue him. 

Many times Izanagi baffled his pursuers until finally Izanami 
herself joined the chase. But Izanagi placed a huge rock in 
the "even pass of Hades," thus preventing her from reaching 
him. From the confines of the two worlds they exchanged bitter 
threats. When Izanagi emerged from the realm of Hades, he 
proceeded to Hiuga and there purified himself by bathing in a 
stream. 

Then there were born from his person and his possessions 
many other Kami, the most important of whom were Amaterasu 
or "the goddess of the Sun" from his left eye, Tsukiyomi, or "the 
Kami of the Moon," from his right eye, and Susanoo, or "the 
Impetuous male" from his nose. Rejoicing over these three 
new born children, especially Amaterasu whose appearance was 
radiant like the sunshine, Izanagi gave her his necklace and 
made her ruler of Takamanohara, or the "Plain of High Heaven." 
To Tsukiyomi, he gave Yorunoosukumi, or "the country of 
Night," and Susanoo was ordered to govern Unabara, or "the 
sea plain." Amaterasu and Tsukiyomi went at once to their 
respective domains, but Susanoo, instead of going to his realm, 
wandered about disconsolately crying and wailing until his beard 
reached the pit of his stomach. Upon his father's inquiring the 
cause of his grief, Susanoo, the motherless child, replied that 
he desired to go to his mother in Hades. Whereupon Izanagi 
expelled him but Susanoo expressed his wish to bid farewell to 
his sister in Takamanohara before going into exile. After im- 
posing this sentence upon his disobedient son, Izanagi retired to 
Awaji and thence to eternity. 

Susanoo proceeded to Takamanohara, his journey being 
attended by the shaking of mountains and stopping of rivers. 
When Amaterasu learned his coming, she prepared to receive 

65 



him in warlike guise, for she distrusted his intention and fearing 
that he would plunder Takamanohara, she sternly inquired into 
the cause of his appearance. Susanoo disavowed all evil inten- 
tions and tried to prove his sincerity by taking an oath and en- 
gaging in a Kami-producing competition with his sister. The 
condition of this competition was that if his children were female 
he would be condemned, but if male, his sincerity would be 
affirmed. 

They took their stands on opposite sides of the tranquil River 
of Heaven, and Susanoo handed his sword to Amaterasu who 
broke it into three pieces, chewed the fragments, and blowing 
them from her mouth, produced three female Kami. Then she 
lent Susanoo her jewels. He crunched them in his mouth and 
from their fragments five male Kami were born. Amaterasu 
claimed the males as her own, proclaiming Amenooshiho, the 
eldest as her heir, and assigned the females to her brother. 

Thus, Susanoo won his sister's confidence. He soon, how- 
ever exposed his lawless character by destroying one of Ama- 
terasu's rice fields. He then rudely intruded upon his sister 
while she was celebrating a harvest festival in the Palace. But 
she was lenient with him and did not lose patience until Susanoo 
flaying a piebald hqrse, threw it through a hole which he made 
in the roof of the Palace, into the room where Amaterasu was 
weaving garments. She was so greatly offended that she retired 
into a murky cavern placing a rock at the entrance, whereupon 
darkness covered the universe. 

The "voices of a myriad Kami were like unto the flies as they 
swarmed and a myriad portents of woe all arose. "^ 

In despair the eight hundred myriads of Kami assembled in 
the bed of the tranquil river and took counsel together to find 
some means of enticing Amaterasu from her retirement. 



2. K. p. 26. Chamberlain, p. 54. 

66 



"Accordingly the Kami Omohikane with profound device and 
far-reaching thought at length gathered long-singing birds of the 
Eternal Land and made them utter their prolonged cry to one 
another. 

"Moreover, he made the Kami Tatsukara to stand beside the 
Rock-door. Then Ameno-Koyane, ancestor of the Nakatomi, 
and Futo-dama, ancestor of the Imibe, dug up a five-hundred 
branched true Sakaki (Cleyera Japonica) tree of the Heavenly 
Mt. Kagu. On its upper branches they hung an august five- 
hundred string of Yasaka jewels. On the middle branches they 
hung an eight-hand mirror. On its lower branches they hung 
blue soft offerings and white soft offerings. Then they recited 
their liturgy together. 

"Moreover, Ameno-Uzume, ancestress of the Sarumeno-Kimi, 
took in her hand a spear wreathed with Eulalia grass, and stand- 
ing before the door of the Rock-cave of Heaven, skillfully 
performed a mimic dance."^ 

Amaterasu filled with curiosity, moved the rock even so little, 
and peeped from the cave; whereupon the Kami Tatsukara or 
"strong arm" grasped her hand and lead her to the newly built 
palace where three female Kami were in constant attendance. 

Thus the light of the sun once more filled the "Plain of high 
Heaven." The eight hundred myriad Kami attributing this 
calamity to the misconduct of Susanoo decided to punish him by 
imposing a fine of thousand tables as an offering. They further 
ordered his beard to be cut off and his finger and toe nails to 
be pulled out. 

The Kami Amenokoyane then recited prayers for purification 
after which Susanoo was expelled from Takamanohara. 



3. Aston, Vol. I, pp. 44-45. 

67 



Accompanied by his son Itakeru, Susanno descended to Korea 
and lived at Soshimori or "Ox-head Mountain" of Silla. Re- 
marking that " in the region of the land of Han (Korea) there 
is gold and silver. It will not be well if the country ruled by my 
son should not possess floating riches (ships),"* he planted trees 
from which he built ships to carry the riches to Japan. He later 
returned to Izumo. When he arrived at the head-waters of 
the River Hi, he saw a chop-stick floating down the stream. 
Inferring that people must live further up the river, he set out 
to look for them. He soon came upon an old couple who were 
lamenting as they embraced a girl. He asked them the cause 
of their grief. The old man replied that he was an earthly Kami, 
son of the Kami of the mountains who was borne by Izanami 
before her departure for Hades. He further explained to Susanoo 
that he had once had eight daughters but every year an eight- 
forked serpent came from the country of Koshi and devoured 
one of them. This daughter Lady Kushinada was the last and 
at any moment the monster might appear to carry her off. 
Susanoo announcing himself as the brother of Amaterasu, 
promised them aid if they would give him their daughter. By a 
cunning stratagem he killed the eight- forked serpent and found 
in its body a sword which he sent to Amaterasu and which was 
later known as the "Herb queller." He then built a palace at 
Suga in Izumo wh€re he lived with the Lady Kushinada. From 
this palace he one day beheld many clouds which inspired hira to 
compose a poem: 

"Many clouds arise. 
On all sides a manifold fence, 
to receive within it the spouse, 
Thy form a manifold fence, 
Ah, that manifold fence."^ 



4. N. p. 38. Aston, Vol. I, p. 58. 

5. K. pp. 30-31. N. p. 35. Aston, Vol. I, pp. 54-55. 

68 



The Lady Kushinada bore him Onamuji, or "the great name 
possessor," after which Susanoo went to Hades. 

Onamuji had many brothers and sisters, the eldest of whom, 
Itakeru, after reigning in Silla, returned to Japan and went to 
Kii province where he and his two sisters engaged in forestry. 

Onamuji's other brothers were jealous of his fame, often 
maltreating him and sometimes even planning his death. With 
some difficulty he escaped these perils and went to his father 
Susanoo in Hades, but his visit was unwelcome and his father 
evinced his displeasure by trying to cause his death. It was only 
by the help of the Lady Shiseri, daughter of Susanoo, that he 
was able to return to the upper world. 

He then married Princess Yamaki of Inaba and began the 
work of pacifying and consolidating the land. About this time 
the Kami Sukunahikona, son of Takamimusubi (the great pro- 
ducing Kami) came to Izumo from the "land of eternal" and 
assisted Onamuji in improving his realm. They introduced the 
practice of medicine and divination reducing disease and mor- 
tality among men and animals and greatly bettering the condi- 
tion of the land. 

One day Onamuji spoke to Sukunahikona, and said, "May 
we not say that the country which we have made is well made?" 
Sukunahikona answered and said, "In some parts it is complete 
and in others it is incomplete."^ But the Kami Sukunahikona 
departed for the land of the eternal before the work was com- 
pleted. 

After this "Wherever there was in the land a part which was 
imperfect Onamuji visited it in person and succeeded in repairing 
it. Coming at last to the province of Izumo, he spake and said: 
This central land of reed plains has always been waste and wild. 

6. N. p. 39. Aston, Vol. I, p. 60. 

69 



The very rocks and trees, and huts were all given to violence. 
But I have now reduced it to submission, and there is none who 
can complain.' " 

Therefore he said finally: "It is I, and I alone, who now 
govern this land. Is there perchance, anyone who could join 
with me in governing the world?" Upon this a divine radiance 
illuminated the sea, and of a sudden there was something which 
floated towards him and said, "Were I not here, how couldst 
thou subdue this land? It is because I am here that thou hast 
been enabled to accomplish this mighty undertaking." Then 
Onamuji inquired saying: "Then who art thou?" It replied and 
said: "I am thy guardian spirit, the wonderous spirit." Then 
said Onamuji: "True I know therefore that thou art my guardian 
spirit, the wonderous spirit, where dost thou now wish to dwell ?" 
The spirit answered and said : "I wish to dwell on Mount Mimuro 
in the province of Yamato." Accordingly he built a shrine in 
that place and made the spirit go and dwell there. 

This is the Kami of Omiwa."''^ 

Meanwhile Amaterasu was still ruling in Takamanohara. 

But she was anxious to send her heir Amenooshiho who 
married Takamimusubi's daughter, to rule Japan, for the islands 
had been produced by her father Izanagi. Therefore calling the 
Kami together she took counsel with them to determine the best 
means of accomplishing her purpose. The Kami Amenohohi was 
then sent to Izumo to persuade Onamuji to abdicate. But after 
three years when the messenger failed to return, she sent his 
son. But he too remained away. 

Thereupon the Kami in council decided to send the brave 
Kami Amenowaka to Izumo. But he added disloyalty to negli- 
gence by marrying the daughter of Onamuji. Again the Kami 



7. N. pp. 39-40. Aston, Vol. I, pp. 60-61. 

70 



Council was convened by Amtaerasu and her coadjutor, Taka- 
mimusubi, and at this time the Kami Takemikatzuchi and Futtsu 
were commissioned to go to Izumo and to employ force if 
necessity required. These two descended to Izumo and delivered 
the Heavenly message to Onamuji saying: "Amaterasu has 
charged and sent us to ask saying, 'We have designed to charge 
our august child with thy dominion as the land which he shall 
govern.' '' What is thy intention? Wilt thou stand aside or no?"^ 
Thereupon Onamuji after consultation with his eldest son Koto- 
shiro who advised him saying, "The Heavenly Kami has now ad- 
dressed to us this inquiry. My father ought respectfully to with- 
draw, nor will I make any opposition,"^ made this reply : "My son, 
on whom I rely, has already departed. I too, will depart. If I 
were to make resistance all the Gods of this land would certainly 
resist also. But as I now respectfully withdraw, who else will 
be so bold as to refuse submission."^" Forthwith, he handed a 
broad spear to the envoys, saying, "By means of this spear I was 
at last successful, if the Heavenly august child will use this 
spear to rule the land, he will undoubtedly subdue it to tran- 
quillity."" 

Thus he abdicated and retired to the new palace which had 
been built for him by order of the Takamanohara Court. The 
Kami Amenohohi was commissioned to wait upon him. 

Izumo being pacified, Amaterasu summoned her grandchild 
Ninigi whom she had designated as the ruler of Japan in place 
of his father Amenooshiho, and solemnly declared, "This rich 
country is the territory over which my descendants shall be the 
Lords. Do thou, my august grandchild proceed thither and 
govern it. Go, and may prosperity attend thy dynasty. May it 



8. K. pp. 47-48. Chamberlain, p. 101. 

9. N. p. 45. Aston, Vol. I, pp. 68-69. 

10. N. p. 45. Aston, Vol I, p. 69. 

11. N. p. 45. Aston, Vol. I, p. 69. 

71 



like Heaven and Earth endure forever."^^ With these words 
she bestowed upon him three treasures, the curved jewel of 
Yasaka, the bronze mirror of Yata, and the sword of Ameno- 
murakumo, saying : "Regard this mirror exactly as if it were our 
august spirit, and reverence it as if reverencing Us."^' She also 
ordered the Kami, Amenokoyane, Futodama and a multitude of 
others to follow Ninigi. 

On the road, Ninigi and his party were met by an earthly 
Kami from Ise named Saruta who offered to be his vanguard. 
They then descended to peak of Mount Takachiho in Hiuga. 
From here Ninigi went to Cape Kasasa where he received the 
earthly Kami Nagasa who offered Ninigi his country. Ninigi 
was delighted, saying, "This place is opposite to the land of 
Kara (Korea), one comes straight across to the august Cape of 
Kasasa, and it is a land whereon the morning sun shines straight, 
a land which the evening sun's light illuminates. So this 
place is an exceedingly good place."^* Here a new palace was 
built and all the Kami served him with the same rites that were 
observed in Takamanohara. 

Ninigi married the Lady Konohanasakuya, "Brilliant Blos- 
som," a daughter of the Kami of Mountains, the son of Izanagi. 
This Kami also s^t Ninigi his elder daughter, the Lady Endur- 
ing-as-Rock. But she was not welcomed at the Palace. There- 
upon the Kami of Mountains angrily declared that the lives of 
the Heavenly sovereigns would be comparatively short. The 
Lady Konohanasakuya bore Ninigi two sons, Hosuseri and 
Hohodemi. 

Hosuseri and Hohodemi adopted fishing and hunting, respect- 
ively, as their vocations. One day Hohodemi suggested that 
they exchange pursuits. But unfortunately he lost his brother's 

12. N. p. 50. Aston, Vol. I, p. 11. 

13. K. p. 51. Chamberlain, p. 109. 

14. K. p. 52. Chamberlain, pp. 112-113. 

72 



hook. Hosuseri demanded that he return it and nothing that 
Hohodemi could do could make him change his mind. So, weep- 
ing and lamenting, Hohodemi wandered along the sea-shore. Here 
he came upon the Kami of salt who advised him to consult with 
the Kami of the Sea. When Hohodemi arrived at the palace 
of this Kami, he met the beautiful Lady Toyotama, daughter of 
the sea Kami, whom he married. Her father welcomed him, and, 
bestowing upon him two jewels which make the tide ebb and 
flow, instructed him to defeat his brother in fishing. 

Hohodemi returned to Japan on the back of a crocodile, and 
faithfully followed the sea Kami's instruction, with results so dis- 
astrous to Hosuseri that he was forced to beg Hohodemi for his 
life, promising that he and all of his descendants would serve his 
younger brother and his children. Thus the throne fell to Hoho- 
demi. He resided at Takachiho, where Fukiaeji was born. 

Fukiaeji married his aunt, the Lady Tamayori, daughter of 
the sea Kami. Four children were born to them, namely, Itsuse, 
Inahi, Mikenu and Senu (later the Emperor Jimmu). 

Prince Inahi went to the sea Plain, while Mikenu crossed 
into the Eternal land. Prince Senu and his elder brother, Itsuse, 
dwelling at the Palace of Takachiho, took counsel together, say- 
ing, "By dwelling in what place shall we most quietly carry on 
the government of the Empire? It were probably best to go 
east."^5 

Thereupon they advanced eastward by sea. "So when they 
arrived at Usa in the Land of Toyo (Bugen) two of the natives, 
the Prince of Usa and the Princess of Usa, built a Palace raised 
on one foot, and offered them a great august banquet. Remov- 
ing thence, they dwelt for one year at the Palace of Okada in 
Tsukushi (Chikugen). 



15. K. p. 63. Chamberlain, p. 130. 

73 



"Again making a progress up from that land, they dwelt seven 
years at the Palace of Takeri in Aki. Again removing and 
making a progress up from that land, they dwelt eight years 
at the Palace of Takashima in Kibi."^® Guided by Shienetsu they 
proceeded from Takashima through Naniwa to Kusaka in Kinai. 
Here they engaged in their first battle with the Yamato troops of 
Chief Nagasune. The battle resulted in the defeat of Prince 
Senu and Prince Itsuse was fatally wounded. 

Attributing their defeat to the fact that they fought facing 
the sun, they decided to change their position and proceeded by 
sea to Kamayama of Kii, where Prince Itsuse died. Prince Senu 
then subdued the neighboring provinces. After this he encoun- 
tered the Chief of Tobe. During the hard fighting which fol- 
lowed, a native (Kumano) Takakuraji came to his aid. On 
account of this, the expeditionary troops were in high spirits. 
Prince Senu then proceeded to the interior of Yamato. But 
mountains were so steep that his troops could not cross them. At 
this juncture the spirit of Amaterasu sent the Sun-Crow (Yata- 
garasu) to guide them. The troops pushed on and at Uda en- 
countered the Ukeshi brothers. The younger surrendered, but 
the elder resisted. He was finally killed, however, by General 
Michi, a distinguished commander of Prince Senu. The natives 
of Yoshino welcomed his army and their chiefs expressed their 
desire to be subject to them. 

Hearing that in Kunimi there were armies of brigands, both 
men and women, and that the two brothers Shiki were prepared 
to defy them. Prince Senu made vessels of clay from Mount 
K;agu in Yamato and offered them to the Heavenly spirits, pray- 
ing for divine assistance, after which he subdued these enemies. 
He then encountered Nagasune in a fierce battle. When his 
troops were nearly exhausted, suddenly a golden kite perched on 
the end of his bow, which so dazzled his enemy's troops that 



16. K. p. 63. Chamberlain, p. 131. 

74 



they became powerless. "Thereupon Nagasune sent a messenger 
on foot, who addressed Prince Senu, saying, 'There was for- 
merly a child of the Heavenly Kami, who came down from 
Heaven to dwell here riding in a Rock-boat of Heaven. His 
name was Nigihayahi. He took to wife my younger sister, of 
whom he at length had a child, named Umashimate. Therefore 
did I take Nigihayahi for my Lord, and did serve to him. Can 
it be that there are two seeds of the children of the Heavenly 
Kami? Why should any one take the name of child of the 
Heavenly Kami and therewith rob people of their dominions? 
I have pondered this in my heart, but have as yet failed utterly 
to believe it.' The Prince said, 'There are many other children 
of the Heavenly Kami. If he whom thou hast taken as thy Lord 
were truly a child of the Heavenly Kami, there would be surely 
some object which thou couldst show us by w^ay of proof.' 

Nagasune accordingly brought a single Heavenly feathered 
arrow of Nigihayahi, and a foot-quiver, and exhibited them 
respectfully to the Prince. The Prince examined them, and said : 
'These are genuine.' Then in his turn he showed to Nagasune 
the single Heavenly feathered arrow and quiver which he wore. 
When Nagasune saw the Heavenly token, he became more and 
more embarrassed. But the murderous weapons were already pre- 
pared, and things were in such a state that he was unable to 
panse in his career. Therefore he adhered to his misguided 
scheme, and would not alter his purpose. 

Nigihayahi, knowing from the first that the Heavenly Kami 
had simply generously bestowed the Empire on the Heavenly 
grandchild and that in view of the perverse disposition of Naga- 
sune, it would be useless to instruct him in the relation of Heaven 
to Man, put him to death. He then came with his army and 
made submission."^^ 



17. Aston, Vol. I, pp. 128-129. 

75 



Thus Nagasune was subdued. But here and there scattered 
bands of brigands offered resistance and Prince Senu crushed 
them one by one, conquering the whole of Yamato. 

Whereupon he assembled all the armies and declared: "Dur- 
ing the six years that our expedition against the east has lasted, 
owing to my reliance on the Majesty of Imperial Heaven, the 
wicked bands have met death. It is true that the frontier lands 
are still unpurified, and that a remnant of evils is still refractory. 
But in the region of the central land there is no more wind and 
dust. Truly we should make a vast and spacious capital, and plan 
it great and strong. At present, things are in a crude and ob- 
scure condition, and the people's minds are unsophisticated. They 
roost in nests and dwell in caves. Their manners are simply 
what is customary. Now, if a great man were to establish laws, 
justice could not fail to flourish."^^ 

Kashiwabara of Yamato was selected as the Imperial Capital 
and an order was issued to erect an Imperial Palace. Prince 
Senu then married the Lady Isuzu, daughter of the Kami Koto- 
shiro, son of Onamuji of Izumo. In the spring of the following 
year 660 B. C. he solemnly ascended the throne, proclaiming 
himself the first Emperor of Japan. He is known in History 
as the Emperor Jimmu. 

We have seen that both the Kojiki and Nihongi were com- 
piled in the eighth century of the Christian era, a time subse- 
quent to the introduction into Japan, of Chinese letters and Budd- 
hism, and of the establishment of a strong centralized govern- 
ment modeled after the Chinese Tang institutions, and that the 
compilers of these writings not only worked under the Imperial 
instruction but tended to project the ideas of their own or imme- 
diately preceding time into the primaeval past. 



18. Aston, Vol. I, p. 131. 

76 



It is natural, therefore, that the Japanese legend contained 
in these writings reflects these influences. For example, we 
find in the Chinese legend the tranquil River or the Milky Way, 
Sun and Moon, which were born from the body of Panku, who 
chiseled out the Universe, the divination by cracks in a deer's 
shoulder blade, etc., all of which are similar to accounts in the 
Japanese legend. Izanami's remark that she had already eaten 
the food of the under-world resembles the Indian story of 
Nachiketas and Izanagi's visit to the underworld appears to be 
a reproduction of the Grecian legend of Orpheus and Eurydice, 
which is based on the Babylonian myth of Ishtar. 

It is difficult to ascertain whether the Japanese brought these 
foreign ideas with them or received them through China. But 
the existence of these influences in the Japanese legend is fur- 
ther proved by Dr. Saith's archaeological investigation,^^ wherein 
he points out that the Sanko which the Japanese Buddhist priests 
hold can be traced to the one which, three or four centuries 
before Christ, was associated with the Greek Gods. He further 
shows that the Komainu (watch dogs) at the entrance of the 
Japanese shrines are similar to those used in Babylon 4,000 
years ago. 

When we rationalize the Japanese legend, we must not only 
carefully consider these facts but exercise the greatest caution 
in criticising every page of the records. 

Before proceeding to a critical examination of the legend 
we shall briefly state the prevalent Japanese interpretation. 
Most students agree to begin with the creation of the Japanese 
islands as well as many Kami by a Kami couple Izangi and Iza- 
nami interpreting it as the consolidation and pacification of 
Japan by this couple. 



19. "Waseda-gakuho," May, 1912. 

17 



According to their opinion the Kami couple, having their 
base in some small island in the present Osake Bay, pacified the 
aborigines of Japan and when the islands were consolidated, they 
made their daughter Amaterasu (the Goddess of the Sun) ruler 
of Japan. Takamanohara was not the name of her domain but 
of her seat of government, which is identical with the present 
Ise or Yamato, because there we find names, Takamano, Mount 
Kagu, etc. Tsukiyomi was sent to a place in southern China, 
Yorunokuni being identical with the country of the Sunset, 
namely, China. Susanoo was assigned to southern Korea, Una- 
bara being identical with the Ancient Silla. Thus the Kami 
couple's realm which embraced Japan, southern Korea and south- 
em China, was partitioned among their three children. 

Susanoo went to Korea, but soon returned, leaving his son 
Itakeru to rule in his place. He settled at Izumo, which, being 
so far from Takamanohara, could not receive protection from 
that Court. Thereupon, Susanoo pacified this province and 
established his own principality, independent of the Takamano- 
hara Court. His son, Onamuji assisted by Sukunahikona, son 
of Takamimusubi, who came from southern China, made Izumo 
a flourishing country. Hearing of this prosperous province 
Amaterasu sitting at Takamanohara (Yamato) decided to take 
the affairs of Izumo into her own hand. She sent envoys but 
Onamuji, Chief of Izumo, was not willing to comply with her 
request. Finally Amaterasu sent her warriors to demand his 
abdication on the ground that the whole of Japan belonged to 
her as the legitimate successor of Izanagi and Izanami. Onamuji 
possessed (Ushuhaku) Izumo as his private property, but Ama- 
terasu demanded it by virtue of her sovereign right (Shirasu). 
Kotoshiro, the Izumo Chief's son, advised him to abdicate, say- 
ing that Amaterasu and her direct descendants were the august 
sovereigns of Japan. The Chief's second son refused to obey, 
but the envoy's military force reduced him to submission. 

78 



Thereupon Onamuji respectfully expressed his intention of 
abdication. Amaterasu, delighted by the great reverence paid 
her by the Izumo family, deified Onamuji at the Palace in Izumo 
and Amenohohi, a member of her family, was made to serve 
him. This Palace is the present Great Shrine of Izumo (Izumo- 
Taisha) and Amenohohi's descendants are the present Senge and 
Kitashima families. 

Izumo was now pacified, but Tsukushi (present southern 
Kiushiu) was in a state of turmoil. Therefore Amaterasu, 
assisted by Takami-musubi, whose daughter married Amenoo- 
shihi, Amaterasu's heir, planned to send her grandchild Ninigi 
to smite the brigands. 

When Ninigi's expeditionary army was about to set out, 
Amaterasu summoned him, and, bestowing upon him a bronze 
mirror of Yata, a curved jewel of Yasakani and an iron sword 
of Amenomurakumo as tokens of authority, declared that "this 
land is the land over which thou shalt rule."^° She ordered 
Amenokoyane (the ancestor of Nakatomi family, later Fujiwara) 
and Futodama (the ancestor of Imibe family) to follow him as 
administrators of the Shinto rites. Besides these she com- 
manded Amenousume (the ancestress of Saru-me-no-Kimi) to 
take charge of sacred music and dancing, and Amenooshihi (the 
ancestor of military clan of Otomo) and Okume (the ancestor 
of military clan of Kume) to lead armies. 

Saruta of Ise guided Ninigi's party to Takachiho of Hiuga in 
Kiushiu, probably taking the sea route from Naniwa or Kii via 
Shikoku to Hiuga. Ninigi built a palace at Kasasa (the present 
Kaseda of Satsuma) and, preserving the three treasures given 
by Amaterasu as the tokens of the Japanese sovereign, lived 
there. He married a daughter of the local chief of Tsukushi. 



20. Chamberlain, p. 107. 

79 



After his death his two sons, Hosuseri and Hohodemi, quar- 
reled. 

Hohodemi, who was aided by the King of Silla, his father- 
in-law, was at last victorious over his elder brother. Hosuseri, 
vanquished, became his servant, and was the ancestor of the 
Hayato. 

Hohodemi ruled at Takachiho and was succeeded by his 
son Fukiaeji, who married his mother's sister, daughter of the 
King of Silla. They had four children, Itsuse, Inahi, Mikenu 
and Senu. 

Mikenu went to southern China, Inahi to Silla, his mother's 
country, while the eldest, Prince Itsuse, and the youngest. Prince 
Senu, remained at the Palace of Takachiho. These two took 
counsel together and decided to go to the east, Yamato, the seat 
of their great ancestress' capital. Meanwhile, Yamato, after 
Ninigi's departure for Tsukushi, fell into disorder and, at the 
time that Prince Senu was preparing to go there, many local 
chieftains were occupying the country among whom Nagasune 
was the most powerful. Nagasune acknowledged as his Lord, 
Prince Nigihayahi, a brother of Ninigi. 

Prince Senu's party moved by sea to Usa of Tsukushi, thence 
to Takashima of Kibi, and from there to Kusaka, somewhere in 
Kinai facing Osaka Bay. His first battle was fought with 
Nagasune at Kusaka, in which Prince Itsuse was fatally wounded. 
The prince changed his course, and from Kii, finally conquered 
Nagasune and other brigands. During his contest, Nagasune 
sent a messenger to Prince Senu, saying that Nigihayahi is the 
legitimate ruler of Yamato, for which statement he presented 
proofs. But Senu was able to show similar proofs. Nagasune 
and the natives of Yamato recognized that Prince Senu's claim 
was genuine. Nevertheless they continued fighting. Finally, 
however, Nigihayahi killed Nagasune and with his son Umashi- 

80 



mate surrendered to Prince Senu, who commended him and made 
him one of his generals. The descendants of this general became 
the military clan Mononobe. 

Prince Senu then married the lady Isuzu, daughter of Koto- 
shiro, son of the Izumo Chief Onamuji, after which he caused 
himself to be crowned Emperor of Japan.^^ 

Students who thus interpret the Japanese legend contend that 
upon the pacification of the aborigines, Izanagi, the patriarch of 
the Japanese people, designated his daughter Amaterasu as the 
ruler of Japan, by the inherent right belonging to the direct 
descendants of the original trinity, Amenominakanushi, Taka- 
mimusubi and Kammusubi. Amaterasu, the Goddess of the 
Sun, sitting at Takamanohara, in turn transferred her right to 
her august grandchild Ninigi, declaring, " This rich country is 
the territory over which my descendants shall be the Lords. 
Do thou, my august grandchild, proceed thither and govern it. 
Go and may prosperity attend thy dynasty, may it, like Heaven 
and earth, endure forever. "^^ 

The three treasures which she bestowed upon Ninigi were 
indeed the token of this inherent authority, and have been trans- 
mitted to the present Emperor. The grand foundation of our 
Imperial authority was therefore laid down by this Takamano- 
hara declaration. Consequently the Yamato conquest by the 
Emperor Jimmu cannot be regarded as the origin of the Empire. 
It was only the reconquest of Yamato, for Yamato was once 
Takamanohara, the capitol of the Goddess of the Sun, as well 
as the trinity of the Creator. 

It is on this ground that Professor N. Hozumi expounds the 
patriarchal origin of the Japanese state. "The Nation is con- 
sidered as forming one vast family, the Imperial House stand- 



21. See for instance Dr. Ariga's NihonkoKuho-Gaku, Vol. I, pp. 1-36. 

22. Aston, Vol. I, p. 11. 

8i 



ing at its head as the principal family, and all subjects under it 
as members of Houses which stand in the relation of branch 
family to the Imperial House. , 

It is for that reason the word Oyake or Great House, which 
is now usually used in the meaning of Public or sometimes of 
government, was formerly very frequently used in the sense 
of Imperial Court or the Emperor. It is for the same reason, 
again, that the Imperial House has no clan or family name."^^ 

This theory is undoubtedly plausible and it has been accepted 
by Japanese people for many years as the explanation of the 
origin of the state. But it is impossible for the modern student 
to base his conclusions upon this interpretation of the legend 
without further examination of external evidences. 

Considering the legend closely we are struck by the impor- 
tance of identifying Takamanohara, for this is the key to the 
legend and upon it depends the solution of the problem of the 
origin of the Japanese state. 

When the Kami couple, Izanagi and Izanami, arrived at the 
Island of Onogoro, Takamanohara seems to have been either a 
foreign country or Heaven. Yet when Amaterasu was ruling 
Takamanohara it appears to have been Yamato, since there 
are some place names in this section similar to those in Takamano- 
hara. 

This suggests to some students that Takamanohara can be 
identified with either China, Korea or Yamato. 

If Takamanohara was either China or Korea, why did Ninigi 
arrive at Hiuga instead of going to Izumo or some other neigh- 
boring province? The Chinese records^* state that the Japanese 
were descended from the Chinese rulers, but, as has been shown 



23. Hozumi. "Ancestor-worship and Japanese Law," p. iOSr- ^ m f" 

24. See the chapter of racial sources. 

82 



in a preceding chapter, external evidences are insufficient to prove 
this claim. 

If, on the other hand, Takamanohara was in Yamato, why 
did Izanagi perform the task of pacifying Japan from the island 
of Onogoro, a place most inconveniently situated for such an 
undertaking? Why, again, did Amaterasu mysteriously disap- 
pear from Takamanohara after Ninigi's descent into Hiuga, 
leaving Yamato to the mercy of bands of brigands? What be- 
came of Tsukiyomi, the Kami of Moon, after he was sent to 
the country of Night? 

The geographical distribution of dolmens in Japan indicates 
that of the three centers of ancient Japanese culture, namely, 
Izumo, Tsukushi (the northern half of Kiushiu), and Yamato, 
Izumo was the oldest. Moreover the legend itself describes Izu- 
mo as a flourishing country, whereas it makes no mention of 
any particular state of prosperity in Takamanohara, Tsukushi or 
Yamato. 

Taking all these points into consideration, may we not con- 
clude that Takamanohara as such never really existed in either 
Japan or any foreign country? 

What, then, is the meaning of the frequent allusions to 
Takamanohara in the legend? 

There seems little doubt that, generally speaking, all historical 
records have been made to serve some purpose besides merely 
recording ancient happenings, and that they reflect to a greater 
or less extent the conditions of the time at which they were 
written. 

From our study of the circumstances under which the Kojiki 
and Nihongi were compiled, we see that these annals are no 
exception to this rule. And so, if we inquire further into the 
political conditions existing during the time in which they were 

83 



produced, may it not be possible for us to find some satisfactory- 
explanation of the Takamanohara episode? 

By the year 457 A. D., the probable beginning of the authentic 
history of Japan, we find the strong Emperor (Yuryaku) holding 
his court at Yamato and exercising his power most effectively, 
not only in Japan, but also in the southern kingdoms of Korea.^^ 

During the reign of the Emperor Kimmei (540-571) two rival 
heads of clans, Monomobe and Soga, together with a Shinto 
High Priest, Nakatomi, were participating in the government, 
each seeking supremacy. 

In 545 the King of Pekche presented the Yamato Court with 
an image of Buddha. Seven years later, Pekche again sent a 
copper image of Buddha and copies of some of the sacred books, 
with the following message: "This doctrine is, among all, most 
excellent, but it is difficult to explain and difficult to understand. 
Even the Duke of Chou (the Chinese sage) and Confucius did 
not attain to comprehension. It can produce fortune and retri- 
bution, immeasurable, illimitable. It can transform a man into 
Bodhi. Imagine a treasure capable of satisfying all desires in 
proportion as it is used ! Such a treasure is this wonderful doc- 
trine. Every earnest supplication is fulfilled and nothing is 
wanting. Moreover from farthest India to the three Han (Korea) 
all have embraced the doctrine, and there is none that does not 
receive it with reverence wherever it is preached. Therefore 
thy servant, Myong (the King of Pekche), in all sincerity, sends 
his retainer, Nori Sachhi, to transmit it to the Imperial Country, 
that it may be diffused abroad throughout the home provinces 
(Yamato) so as to fulfill the recorded saying of the Buddha, 
'My Law shall spread to the east.' "^^ 



25. N. pp. 233-260. 

26. N. p. 331. Aston, Vol. II, p. 66. 

84 



The Emperor Kimmei, encouraged by Sogano-Iname, head 
of the Soga Clan, was inclined to accept this new religion. But 
Mononobe, head of the Military Clan, and Nakatomi, the Shinto 
Priest, objected to its introduction. 

From this time the factional struggle became one for and 
against Buddhism. After a protracted contest, the Soga clan, 
favored by the Emperors, succeeded in exterminating the Mono- 
nobe Clan, and at the same time reducing the power of the 
Shinto priest. It was after this struggle that Sogano-Umako, 
head of the victorious clan, co-operating with Prince Shotoku, a 
Buddhist and a great reformer, compiled the national history as 
well as the catalogue of families, which were burned on the eve 
of the Soga downfall. Buddhism, having been adopted by the 
ruling class, spread rapidly among the people. But the real 
motive of the Soga clan in advocating the new religion was not 
religious, but purely secular based upon greed and the desire 
to gain military and economic supremacy over rival clans. After 
accomplishing their purpose and finding no strong clans to oppose 
them, the Sogas naturally came into conflict with the Imperial 
authority, and by their high-handed conduct, they finally brought 
about the political subordination of Imperial prerogatives, which 
became merely nominal, while the Sogas were actual rulers of 
the nation. 

The desperate situation of Nakatomi, the high priest of Shinto, 
can be easily imagined ! But, in spite of their humiliating con- 
dition the Shinto priests headed by Nakatomi were using every 
means to find a way to regain their former strength. 

At the same time the situation of the Imperial family was 
deplorable. They therefore made common cause with the Shinto 
priests in endeavoring to throw off the tyrannical rule of the 
Sogas. For a long time, they worked together secretly and 
finally the day of reckoning came. In the year 645 A. D., upon 

85 



the arrival of the Korean Envoys at the Yamato Court with trib- 
ute, the brave Prince Nakano-Ohoye, aided by Nakatomi's party, 
killed Sogcino-Iruka, the Soga heir, on his way from Court. The 
troops then attacked the Soga palaces and exterminated the fam- 
ily. 

This is known in Japanese history as the coup d'etat of 
645 A. D.2^ 

Upon the triumph of the reformers. Empress Kogyoku vol- 
untarily abdicated, and on the advice of the foresighted statesman, 
Nakatomino Kamako, the mild, gentle, elderly Prince Karu be- 
came Emperor (Kotoku), for it was plain that to place upon 
the throne Prince Nakano-Ohoye, an energetic leader, would 
arouse a reactionary movement and precipitate a bitter struggle. 
He was therefore content to be named as Prince Imperial, Upon 
his accession. Emperor Kotoku, in announcing Taika as the 
name by which his reign should be known, made the following 
declaration: "Heaven covers us, earth upbears us, the Imperial 
way is but one, yet in this degenerate age the order of Lord and 
vassal was perverted, until Supreme Heaven by our hands put 
to death the traitors. From this day forth, the Emperor will no 
longer divide his power, and his subjects will no longer divide 
their allegiance. Upon any person who ignores this edict, Heaven 
will lay a curse of death"^^ 

Then they began the work of reorganizing the government 
following the Chinese Tang system. They also made extensive 
social and economic reforms. The result is known as the Great 
Reform of Taika. 

Thus the Imperial authority was once more restored to the 
throne, but, at the same time, the rising tide of the Shinto cult 
and power of its high priest Nakatomi were irresistible. 



27. N. pp. 42-424. 

28. Aston, Vol. II, pp. 197-198. 



86 



In 669 A. D.^ when the Emperor Tenchi (formerly Prince 
Nakano-Ohoye) was reigning, his great Minister Nakatomino- 
Kamako died. During Nakatomi's last illness the Emperor vis- 
ited him, in spite of the objection of the other ministers to such 
an unprecedented action. After this visit. His Majesty conferred 
upon the dying statesman the name of Fujiwara-Kamatari. He 
was buried on the summit of Tamu, where stands a shrine in 
his memory. 

The extent of the Fujiwara's (formerly Nakatomi) influence 
over the Imperial Court can be seen by the famous Code of 
Taiho promulgated in 702 A. D., which shows that the Jingik- 
wan, or "Board of Shinto religion," stood at the head of all 
other governmental organs,^^ and this great office belonged to 
the Fujiwara family. 

Dr. Ariga attempts to explain why the Jingikwan was placed 
first: "If a state has its origin in military prowess, which is 
essentially human, then by human agencies also a state may 
be overthrown. Insure against such vicissitudes a throne must 
be based upon something superior to man's potentialities. Divine 
authority alone fulfills that definition, and it is because the throne 
of Japan had a super human foundation that its existence is 
perennial. Therefore the Jingikwan stands above all others in 
the government."^" But it goes without saying that this explana- 
tion ignores the historical events stated above. 

The Code of Taiho was the work of an Imperial Commission 
headed by Fujiwara-Fuhito, son of Fujiwara-Kamatari, whose 
daughter was a consort of the Emperor Mommu (697-707 
A. D.).3i 



29. Taiho-no-Ritsu-Ryo. 

30. Ariga, "Kodai-ho-Shakugl," pp. 29-30. 

31. Zokunihongi. 

87 



At the time that the Kojiki and Nihongi were compiled, 
Fuhito was exercising tremendous power in the Court,^^ and the 
national histories covering the period from the reign of the 
Emperor Mommu to that of the Emperor Koko (697-887 A. D.) 
were compiled principally by the Fujiwaras. These histories, 
together with the Nihongi, are known as the six national his- 
tories (Rokkokushi). Moreover the "Rules and Regulations of 
the three generations" (Sandai-Kakushiki) which were promul- 
gated during the years 810-923 A. D., were also the work of 
the Fujiwara family. The catalogue of families (Seishiroku), 
completed in 814 A, D., was another undertaking of this family. 

Thus the great task of historical work, as well as law mak- 
ing, was entrusted to the descendants of Nakatomi, whose ances- 
tors had been only Shinto priests. It is also interesting to note 
that from the time that the daughter of Fuhito became Imperial 
Consort, many Empresses have been chosen from this family, 
even down to the present day. 

Such is the historical background of the Kojiki and Nihongi. 

It is easy to ascertain from the Nihongi and, for that matter, 
from the Kojiki that the scattered myths, traditions and records 
were collected and from them those accounts selected which were 
best calculated to g'lorify not only the Imperial line but the fam- 
ilies of the powerful nobles. 

If we keep in mind the fact that the legends and records 
were chosen by the Fujiwara (Nakatomi) family who exercised 
tremendous power at court and who were descendants of the 
Shinto priests, and again consider the Japanese legend contained 
both in the Kojiki and Nihongi, together with the archaeological 
evidences of three centers of early Japanese culture, we may be- 
gin to get some light upon the legend of Takamanohara or "Plain 
of High Heaven." 



32. Zokunihongi. 



But to what conclusion does this hght lead us? 

The preceding chapter makes it clear that the early Japanese 
immigrated from Korea. The earliest among them settled in 
Izumo perhaps under the Chieftainship of Izanagi and Izanami, 
and by the efforts of Susanoo and Onamuji, Izumo became pow- 
erful and prosperous, extending its sway over the neighboring 
provinces. During this later development of Izumo, another 
immigration of Japanese, probably under the leadership of Ninigi, 
took place in Tsukushi (somewhere in northern Kiushiu). 

In the course of time, the Izumo people moved to Yamato in 
order to establish a center near the Yemishi frontier. For the 
same reason the inhabitants of Tsukushi proceeded toward 
Hiuga. Subsequently, the Izumo people at Yamato began to 
separate into smaller groups on account of factional struggles, 
and bands of brigands appeared here and there.sa Meanwhile the 
Tsukushi people at Hiuga also had internal dissentions which 
were probably referred to in the legend by the story of Hosuseri 
and Hohodemi. So here, as in Yamato, bands of brigands in- 
fected the land. Many years elapsed before Prince Senu, the 
great military leader of the Tsukushi, finally began his conquest 
of Yamato. He organized an expedition and proceeded into 
Yamato, where after long and hard fighting he reduced the Chiefs 
to submission, thereby gaining supreme power over Japan. 

Among his followers, the ancestors of Nakatomi and Imibe 
were perhaps serving as Shinto priests. 

Between the Yamato conquest and the sixth century A. D., 
the Japanese people had no reliable records but depended chiefly 
upon oral transmissions of the stories of Izumo, Tsukushi, and 
Yamato. During the latter part of this period the influence of 
Chinese classics and Buddhism began to be felt and the Japanese 



33. Supported by the accounts of Kotoshiro, Itakeru and the great 
shrine of Miwa. 

89 



legend did not escape the effects of this influence. At the time 
of the Empress Suiko it became the fashion to learn Chinese clas- 
sics and Buddhist doctrines. The Great Minister Sogano-Umako, 
desirous of glorifying his clan, co-operated with Prince Shotoku, 
who earnestly wished to have a national history compiled. This 
work has been lost, but had it remained it probably would have 
been of a widely different character from either the Kojiki or 
Nihongi. After the downfall of the Soga family, the Emperors 
desired to have a grand Imperial history. But it is possible 
that they would have accomplished very little along this line with- 
out the assistance of the Fujiwara family. Therefore the Em- 
perors nominated members of this family to take charge of the 
work of compiling the national history. 

Naturally, the Fujiwaras were eager to associate the glory 
of their family with that of the Imperial line. But since they 
and their ancestors were high priests of Shinto they dealt with 
the history from the standpoint of that cult. 

In this task, however, the Fujiwaras were confronted by the 
existence of two cycles of independent legends, namely, those 
of Izumo and Tsukushi. It is obvious that a connecting link 
must be found to unify these independent legends, and it was 
for this purpose that the Takamano-hara episode was adopted 
or created. 

The story was so constructed as to make it appear that, even 
though Tsukushi came into existence later than Izumo, originally 
the whole of Japan belonged to Takamanohara. For this reason, 
Izumo had no right to an independent existence, and so the story 
of Onamuji's abdication, together with the account of the estab- 
lishment of the great shrine of Izumo and the origin of the 
present Senge and Kitashima families, appears in the legend in 
order to expound the patriarchal principle. Another problem 
which had to be solved by the compilers of the annals was the 
justification of the Yamato conquest by Prince Senu according 

90 



to the patriarchal principle. For this purpose, they again used 
Takamanohara, and also the story of Nigihayahi, the ancestor 
of the mononobe clan. In all their references to Takamanohara, 
they made it resemble the Yamato of their own time, idealized 
according to the beliefs of Shinto. 

The terms Heavenly Kami and Earthly Kami, which really 
referred to the inhabitants of Tsukushi and other people, seem 
to have been created in connection with this Takamanohara epi- 
sode. 

If, therefore, the stories of Amaterasu (The Goddess of the 
Sun) and the three treasures were true, they must have been 
related to Tsukushi. 

The belief that Takamanohara was adopted or created by the 
compilers of the annals seems to be further supported by the 
Shinto rites. In every house in Japan we keep at present a charm 
of Amaterasu (the Goddess of the Sun) and on Shinto festivals 
the sacred car containing a spirit of Shinto Kami (superior) is 
guided by Saruta who is also described in the Japanese legend 
as the vanguard of Ninigi, the august grandchild of Amaterasu. 

One of the shinto rituals, which is said to have been recited by 
Nakatomi on many occasions, also supports the artificial creation 
of Takamanohara. Dr. Florenz has translated it admirably into 
German. It reads: "Ich kiinde: In der erlauchten Gegenwart 
des Suverans, des edlen Kindes von Gross-Yamato, welcher als 
menschlich-gegenwartiger erlauchter Gott das grosse Land der 
acht Inseln regiert, stelle ich ehrerbietigst die Lobrede auf Grund 
der Gratulations-worte des himmlischen Gottes fest. 

"Des suverans teures Gbttliches Ahnenpaar, welches in hohen 
Himmelsgefilde gottlich residert, versammelte allergnadigst durch 
seinen Befehl die acht Millionen Gotter und legte im hohen 
Himmelsgefilde die Grundlage zur Verwaltung und erteilte ihm 

91 



ehrerbietig Befehl mit den Worten : 'Seine Hoheit der Suverane 
erlauchte Enkel soil das Land der f rischen Reisahren des uppigen 
Schefgefildes als ruhiges Land friedlich regieren und auf dem 
himmlischen hohen erhabenen Sitz der himmlischen Thronfolge 
erhaben wohnen und als himmlisches erlauchtes Mahl (und) 
longdauernde erlauchte Speise und fernhindauernde erlauchte 
Speise tausend Herbste und fiinfhundert Herbste frische Reisah- 
ren friedlich und ruhig in gereinigten Hofe Geneissen !' Und 
nachdem er vom Himmel herabgekommen war diente der ent- 
fernte Ahn der Nakatomi Seine Hoheit Ameno Koyane^* ehrer- 
bietig in der erlauchten Gegenwart seiner Hoheit des erlauchten 
suveranen Enkels "^^ 

This is, o£ course, an hypothesis. But if we can accept this 
explanation of the possible significance of Takamanohara in the 
Japanese legend it becomes easy to solve the problem of the 
origin of the Japanese State. 

As archaeological research has shown, the geographical distri- 
bution in western Japan, of double mounds which are regarded 
as the tombs of higher personages, suggests that in ancient times 
there were many petty principalities, each having its own king 
or chief. If we consider the legend without the Takamanohara 
episode, we find tlaat it also indicates the existence of petty 
kingdoms. 

Thus, when Ninigi arrived at Tsukushi, he found a local chief 
Nagasa and the Kami of the Mountains. The quarrel between 
Hosuseri and Hohodemi point to the existence of petty princi- 
palities in Kiushiu. When Prince Senu was in Tsukushi, he 
married the daughter of Wobashi, the local Chief of Ada, and 



34. The alleged ancestor of the Nakatomi, subsequently the Fujiwara 
family. 

35. Mittheilungen der Deutschen Gesellshaft fiir Natur und Volker- 
kiinde Ostasiens, in Tokio, Supplement-Helf zu Band VI, pp. 56-57. C. f. 
Norito (Nakatomi-Harae). / 



afterward, proceeding toward the east, he encountered numerous 
chieftains in central Japan, among whom Kotoshiro, whose 
daughter he married at Yamato, and Nagasune were probably the 
most powerful. Even the Izumo rulers before they removed to 
Yamato do not appear to have extended their sway beyond the 
neighboring provinces. 

We may therefore fairly say that before Prince Senu's con- 
quest of Yamato there was no one who exercised great power 
over a considerable geographical area and its inhabitants. 

Prince Senu's Yamato conquest was not reconquest, as is 
contended by those holding the patriarchal theory, but was 
prompted by a desire for economic and territorial expansion. The 
Nihongi states that " 'now I (Prince Senu, residing at Tsukushi) 
have heard from an old man that in the east there is a fair land 
encircled on all sides by blue mountains. I think that this land 
will undoubtedly be suitable for the extension of the Heavenly 
task. Why should we not proceed thither and make it the cap- 
ital?' All the Princes answered and said, 'The truth of this is 
manifest, this thought is constantly present to our minds also. 
Let us go thither quickly.' "^^ 

Thus it appears, both from records and external evidences, 
that the theory of the patriarchal origin of the Japanese state 
cannot be supported by scientific investigation. 

If it is true that the Japanese state began with Prince Senu's 
Yamato conquest, when did this event take place? 

The Nihongi assigns the coronation of Emperor Jimmu 
(Prince Senu) to the year 660 B. C, but, as we have seen, this 
is based only upon an arbitrary calculation. Professor Naka, 
comparing Chinese, Korean (especially Pekche) and Japanese 
records and estimating the average life of ancient Emperors 



36. Aston, Vol. I, pp. 110-111. 

93 



in these three countries to be thirty years, concludes that Jimmu's 
coronation probably took place in the first half of the first cen- 
tury B. C.^^ Dr. Kume fixes the date at 30 B. C./^ while Pro- 
fessor Yoshida puts it at 343 B. C.^^ 

If we regard the following passage from the Chinese record 
as credible, we are inclined to accept Professor Yoshida's esti- 
mate: "The Was (the Japanese people) dwell southeast of Han 
(Korea) in a mountainous island in the midst of the ocean. Their 
country is divided into more than 100 provinces. Since the time 
when Wu Ti (B. C. 140-86) overthrew Korea they have com- 
municated with the Han (the Chinese Han dynasty) authorities 
by means of a postal service. There are thirty-two provinces 
which do so, all of which style (their rulers) kings, who are 
hereditary. The sovereign of Great Wa (Japan) resides in 
Yamato."^'* 

It must not be supposed, however, that all Japan was con- 
quered by this time, for the Japanese annals speak of a state of 
turmoil in northern Japan as late as the twelfth Emperor Keiko's 
reign, and of constant fighting against the Yemishi until they 
were finally pacified by General Sakanoue during Emperor 
Kammu's reign (A. D. 782-805). 

A Chinese record states that "during the reigns of Hwanti 
and Lint Ti (A. D. 147-190) Wa (Japan) was in a state of great 
confusion and there was civil war for many years, during which 
time there was no Chief. Then a woman arose, whose name was 
Pimihu (himeko in Japanese). She was old and unmarried, and 
had devoted herself to magic arts, by which she was clever in 
deluding the people. The nation agreed together to set her up 



37. Shigaku-ZZashi, Vol. VIII. 

38. Kume, Kodai-shi, pp. 105-106. 

39. Yeshida, Nichikan-Koshidan, pp. 118-119. 

40. See Aston, "Early Japanese History," p. 53. 

94 



as queen. She has i,ooo female attendants, but few people see 
her face, except one who serves her meals, and is the medium 
of communication with her. She dwells in a palace with lofty- 
pavilions, surrounded by a stockade, and is protected by a guard 
of soldiers. The law and customs are strict. Leaving the queen 
country (Yamato) and crossing the sea to the east, one arrives 
after a voyage of lOO Li at the Konu Country, the inhabitants 
of which are of the same race as the Wa, but are not subject to 
the Queen, "*^ This description seems to be verified by archaeo- 
logical research, which points out that in Kwanto, especially 
Kotsuke province, there are double mounds and primitive sites 
suggesting the location of the capital of the Konu country. 

We have in northern Japan many shrines of warriors who are 
associated with the Takamanohara legend. For example, there 
is one at Kashima to Takemikazuchi and another at Katori to 
Futtsu. 

But they must be regarded only as a political device whereby 
Shinto justified force wherever it was employed by the Japanese 
conquerors. 

This shows us that the key of Japanese history is to be found 
in Shinto, for, without a thorough comprehension of the signifi- 
cance of Shinto, which has always been the political religion of 
the country, we cannot hope to understand either the legend or 
history of Japan. 



41. See Aston, "Early Japanese History," p. 55. 

95 



CHAPTER IV. 

GENERAL CONCLUSIONS. 

Thus we have considered the origin of the Japanese state, 
as well as its racial origin, subjects so perplexing and fascinating 
that students may easily be led into ways of error. Nevertheless, 
in spite of mistakes in detail in the handling of our materials we 
seem warranted in drawing the following conclusions: 

1. The Japanese came from Korea and before migrating into 
Korea they belonged to peoples inhabiting western Asia. 

2. The patriarchal theory of the origin of the Japanese state, 
which is accepted and expounded by popular and scholarly 
writers, cannot be supported by historical and archaeological 
evidence and must be said to have the same validity as Filmer's 
theory of the origin of the English monarchy. 

3. There was in Japan an aboriginal people living in a stage 
of culture substantially identical with that of the "savage society" 
described by Mr. Edward Jenks in his History of Politics. 

4. If we turn from the misty traditions of the old chronicles 
to the earliest authentic accounts of government and administra- 
tion in Japan we find everywhere traces of conquest and sub- 
jugation, particularly in the form of tributes. 

5. In examining the substructure of the Japanese state we 
find elements of patriarchalism and feudalism substantially iden- 
tical with those to be found in western societies in the course 
of their historical evolution. 

6. Finally, if by "the state" we mean a person or persons 
possessing power effectively exercised over the inhabitants of a 
considerable geographical area, the Japanese state originated 

96 



in the Yamato Conquest by the Emperor Jimmu (Prince Senu). 

In surveying these results, the student familiar with the litera- 
ture of politics will readily discover that they bear a striking 
similarity to the conclusions reached by many western writers, 
as to the origin of the state in Europe. The English scholar, 
Edward Jenks, agrees with the German scholars, Oppenheimer 
and Treitschke,^ and their views are substantiated by such author- 
ities as Stubbs and Maitland. The historical view is thus summed 
up by Professor Charles A. Beard: "The real origin of the 
state, in western Europe, at least, is to be found in conquest, 
although it must be admitted that power-bearing individuals were 
previously rising within the older patriarchal group as a result 
of the economic discipline they were able to impose on their slaves 
and semi- free kinsmen. 

"A military leader and his war band, in search of plunder and 
sources of steady income, conquer and fuse settled communities 
loosely united by kinship, and settle down upon the subject popu- 
lation as the ruling authority, absorbing surrounding areas by 
divers processes. General Bliicher echoed the spirit of the 
ancient founder of the state, when, on viewing London from the 
dome of St. Paul's, he exclaimed, 'Was fiir Plunder.' In the 
beginning, the power of the leader is checked by his war band, 
but the threads of dominion are slowly gathered into his hands, 
especially after he becomes king and receives religious sanction, 
though in the exercise of his battle-born authority he may be 
always thwarted or swayed on many policies by his warrior aris- 
tocracy and the Church Militant."^ 

If, therefore, our theory regarding the origin of the Japanese 
state can be accepted, does it not show that evolution of human 
society has been the same in the East as in the West? 



1. Edward Jenks, History of Politics; Oppenheimer, The State; 
Treitschke, Politics, Vol. I, pp. 3-106. 

2. Beard, Politics, pp. 17-18. 

97 



VITA. 

Born at Miyagiken Rifumura, Japan, on March 3rd, 1891. 

Waseda University of Tokio, A. B., 1913. 

Columbia University, A. M., 1916. 

Scholarship for study abroad from Waseda University. 



c_ 



